Page images
PDF
EPUB

Canon Gore and "Catholicism "

Canon Gore's recent book on the Lord's Supper, "The Body of Christ," has grieved but not dismayed the representatives of a portion of the High Church party in England. In it he affirms that there is no repetition in the Eucharist of the Sacrifice upon the Cross; that the early Church fathers, as Chrysostom and others, would have resisted the idea that Christ is made present on the altar under the forms of bread and wine; that Christ's presence in the Sacrament is spiritual; and that his intention was that it should be eaten, not reserved as an object of worship. These statements so antagonize the Anglo-Catholic position that they are received by its representative journal "The Church Review "-with "the profoundest grief." But this grief seems to be, not for any damage wrought, but for Canon Gore, whom the Review regards as having simply seceded from a venerable fellowship. "If there was ever any doubt about it, Canon Gore's absolute severance from anything that can be called Catholicism is made open and indisputable." What "Catholicism" holds precious he has dared to speak of as "the gross and horrible doctrine" of literal transubstantiation. Canon Gore is a conspicuous leader in the High Church party, and is also a notable scholar in patristic literature; however Protestants may differ from his interpretation of the New Testament, as we certainly do, there is no man in the English Church more competent to declare with a scholar's authority what is the teaching of the Fathers. His book is to the Anglo-Catholics a severe blow.

Auguste Sabatier

Auguste Sabatier, who died in Paris last week, was one of three men of eminence who bore the name, all of whom were in a high degree representative of the spirit and genius of the Huguenot Church. Paul Sabatier became widely known in this country a few years since by his admirable "Life of St. Francis of Assisi ;" Armand Sabatier is perhaps the most distinguished biologist in France. Auguste Sabatier, the most eminent of the three, was born in a region which saw the fiercest Huguenot resist ance to the repressive policy of Louis XIV.

66

He studied at Montauban and in Germany, in many departments connected with Biblical history, criticism, and theology. In 1866 he was made Professor of Theology in the Protestant Faculty at Strasbourg, but when the French Strasbourg became the German Strassburg the French theological faculty was removed to Paris, and M. Sabatier with it. He became its Dean, securing for it in large measure a prestige due chiefly though not exclusively to his character and genius. He was a brilliant writer, especially strong in characterization, a very deeply interesting and even inspiring talker, and a teacher of singular power. His weekly contributions to the Journal de Genève " and his articles in "Le Temps" gave him frequent and regular access to a public which he deeply influenced. The most notable of his books are "The Apostle Paul" and "Outlines of a Philosophy of Religion," in which he endeavored to formulate that philosophy upon a psychological and historical basis. In both these books he applied the principle of evolution, in the one case to the writings of the Apostle in the other case to the interpretation of a theistic and Christian philosophy, showing the superiority of the Christian philosophy as the final stage in the development of that religious consciousness of mankind. on which all religion is based. One of his recent distinctions was his appointment by the Minister of Education as a member of the Committee on Education. He has held a very important place in the Councils of the University of Paris; and among French Protestants probably no one has held a more influential position. The French newspapers, in their comments upon his death, place him in the first rank of theologians of the age; they declare that his life gave the impression of unusual richness, and that he made himself the defender of justice and of truth with distinction and eloquence.

Last week Count Cardinal-Elect Martinelli Colacicchi, a member of the Pontifical Noble Guard, arrived in this country from Rome, bearing with him a zuchett, or Cardinal's skull-cap, and a Papal bull of nomination to Monsignor Martinelli, the present Apostolic Delegate to the United States. A day

later, in Washington, Count Colacicchi delivered these to the Cardinal-elect, who has now taken the oath of his new office. The oath was administered by Dr. Conaty, Rector of the American Catholic University at Washington. The Pope's nomination is significant, as it follows the nomination to the cardinalate of Monsignor Martinelli's predecessor as Papal Delegate to this country. When Monsignor (now Cardinal) Satolli arrived here, perhaps proximately not so much to establish a Papal legation as to unite two factions in the Roman Catholic Church, it was believed by many that, with characteristic acuteness, Leo XIII. would lose no opportunity to show to the American people his appreciation of the dignity of the office of Delegate. He has now done so by the honors paid to the first two Delegates to this country. Last week also witnessed another evidence of the Pontiff's favor towards America, in the elevation of the Rev. Dr. Rooker, Secretary to the Apostolic Delegation at Washington, to be Private Chamberlain to the Pope. Dr. Rooker is the first Churchman, not an Italian, to receive this honor.

Professor E. A. Ross's Causes of American brilliant paper on "The Causes of Race Supe

Characteristics

riority," which attracted marked attention at the recent meeting of the American Academy of Folitical and Social Science at Philadelphia, contained several striking observations upon the causes of the characteristics which distinguish our own people. Professor Ross's central thought, it may be said, was the essential unity of mankind and the tendency of the present Darwinian reaction to exaggerate race differences as much as the philosophy of a century ago minimized them. In discussing American traits he showed that in the main they are the traits which have distinguished the colonists of every race. The pioneer work for every race, he said, has been performed, not by the ablest or highest-bred, but by the strongest and most enterprising. The Dutch in South Africa are reputed to be of finer physique than the Dutch in Holland, and in America before the days of exaggerated immigration the emigrants were physically taller than the people from whom

[ocr errors]

they sprung. 'By measurements taken during the Civil War the Scotch in America were found to exceed their countrymen by two inches. . . . Comparative weights tell the same tale. Of the recruits in our Civil War the New Englanders weighed 140 pounds, the Middle States men 141 pounds, the Ohioans 145 pounds, and the Kentuckians 150. Conversely, where, as in Sardinia, the population is the leavings of continued emigration, the stature is extraordinarily low." These physical characteristics, however, are less important factors than the mental characteristics which pioneer life demands and develops. The chief of these are selfreliance and energy, and both of these in America have been intensified by the sense of responsibility which political democracy has imposed upon all classes, and the sense of hopefulness which social democracy has given to the very poorest. Professor Ross, we may note in conclusion, has been elected Professor of Sociology in the University of Nebraska, and Lecturer on Sociology at Harvard, so that his independence at Leland Stanford has not injured his career, may rather be said to have promoted him and enlarged his influence and power.

[blocks in formation]

The letter of Dr. Merrill which we publish on another page appears to us to represent a certain unintentional injustice toward the South not uncommon in the North, and especially among those who feel most deeply the wrongs which the colored race have suffered and who are most eager to help that race to a higher life and a greater prosperity. Lest we be misunderstood, we desire at the outset of this article to give expression of our admiration for Fisk University, in whose work the citizens of Nashville take a pride second only to that which they take in its sister institution for whites, Vanderbilt University, and our honor for Dr. Merrill and his associates in the splendid work to which they have given themselves and the unselfish and heroic spirit in which they are carrying it on.

Doubtless the education of both blacks

a previous system of instruction; if the school terms are often short, they are generally all the people think they can pay for; if the curricula are sometimes ill constructed, they were constructed out of inexperience; if the community has been sometimes inclined to vacillate between courses of study too purely literary and courses of study too purely industrial, the vacillation is shared by other communities both in the North and in England. Despite all drawbacks, the fact remains that substantially the same education, in extent if not always in quality, has been provided by the State in all the common grades for both races.

and whites of the poorer class in the South are the best that could be secured without is lamentably deficient. The school-houses are often poor, the teachers ill educated, the school term too short to accomplish good results, the curriculum ill adapted to present needs. But no one feels this more keenly or is more ready to acknowledge and lament it than the intelligent Southerner; and nowhere is there a more vigorous, self-denying endeavor to make improvements in all these respects than in the Southern States. Left by the war bankrupt, not only in money but in educational institutions, without schoolhouses, school-teachers, a school system, or school experience, the South rejected the counsels of the irreconcilables who had learned nothing and desired to perpetuate in freedom the conditions created by slavery, and the counsels of the pessimists who believed that nothing could be done for the colored race and that it was not worth while trying, and set itself, with a courage almost if not quite without a parallel, to the work of social, industrial, and educational reconstruction. It began to rebuild its devastated towns and rehabilitate its abandoned and desolated plantations; to reconstruct its entire industrial system on a new basis and out of unpromising materials; to provide out of private charity for its disabled veterans, while paying its quota of expense entailed by National taxation for the Federal veterans; to originate and develop manufactures never before known or even conceived as practicable in the South; to meet as best it could the increased demand made by the results of the war for home missionary work and for hospitals and orphanages; and to create in some instances, in others to re-establish, higher institutions of learning for the education of its youth of both sexes. That it undertook at such a time the construction of a common-school system for the primary and secondary education of all its children of both races, and that it divided its school fund between them impartially in the proportions of their need, not of their contributions to it, deserves a cordial and hearty recognition from all men. It constitutes a fact of which Americans have a right to be proud. If the schoolhouses are often poor, they were built out of the poverty of the people; if the teachers are sometimes incompetent, they

We do not propose here to present a scheme of public education in a paragraph. But we may at least propound two principles which we think are too often ignored in the discussion of the question what should be the education of the colored race. We agree absolutely with. our correspondent that there should be no race in education, and no discrimination against the colored people in the educational provision made for all its people by the State. We have said this recently so emphatically that we need not elaborate the declaration here; though it is just to add that we believe that our conviction on this subject is shared by the great mass of educators in the South, and by the great mass of the people in so far as they have thought on the subject at all. But educational provisions should always be adapted to the present condition and the immediate needs of the pupils. The first need of the great majority of the people of the United States, black and white, North and South, is ability to earn their own livelihood, because the first duty of every man is to support himself by his productive industry.

And while it is true that there must always be some lawyers, doctors, ministers, and writers, and a great many teachers, it is also true that there must be a great many more men who earn their livelihood by some form of handicraft. We would have our common-school system, North and South, recognize this fact. We would have manual training enter into every school and form a necessary part of its curriculum, from the kindergarten to the high school. We would have it as

essential a part of public-school education as reading, writing, and arithmetic. We repudiate the sedulously cultivated notion that a man is truly well educated who can use his hands only to hold a book, and his eyes only to read it. We would attach industrial education to every district school, if its sole agricultural equipment were a spade and the only exercise its use in converting the desolate school yard into a flower garden, its sole mechanical equipment a plane, a saw, a hammer and some nails, and the only exercise some repairs on the ill-built and out-of-repair school-house, its sole domestic equipment a needle and thread and the only exercise repairs on the ragged gowns of the girls. We would do this in Massachusetts and New York as well as in Alabama and Georgia. The notion that industrial training is an inferior sort of education, and the notion that it should be a class education, we emphatically repudiate.

The other fundamental principle is that the only limits to education are those set by the capacity of the pupil to receive and appropriate on the one hand, and the ability of the educator to provide, on the other. How far the State should go in providing education is a difficult question; we do not here discuss it. But no educational system should assume that because a child is poor or is an Italian or a Chinaman or an African, therefore he cannot benefit by the highest education he can get.

His first duty is to get an education in those things which will enable him to support himself; that done, the way should be open for him to get whatever other education he can utilize, and, if it be beyond the province of the State to provide, he or his friends can pay for. If there are any people in the South who desire to limit the education of the colored people to the handicrafts, on the double ground that industrial education is an inferior kind of education and the colored race is an inferior kind of race, we oppose them on both propositions: we maintain that industrial education, properly comprehended, is as high as the highest, and that the colored people are entitled to get from the State as good an education as the State gives to any of her citizens, in so far as they can appropriate and make it their own. On the other hand, those, both North and South, who desire to see

industrial education made a component part of our public-school system, those who, if they must choose between sacrificing the literary and professional education of the few or the practical education of the many, prefer the former alternative, we believe will be found in the result wiser statesmen, truer philanthropists, and saner educators than those who consciously or unconsciously so shape educational systems as to create the impression that hard labor is somehow menial and literary labor alone genteel.

A Dangerous Time

The transactions in the Stock Exchange on Wall Street last week were the largest in the history of the country, and the largest in the history of any exchange. That there has been a great and substantial advance in values is beyond question, and while there may be in the future serious reactions, the condition of the country justifies the belief that values of all well-managed properties have advanced permanently, and that the wealth of the country in all departments is greater than it has ever been before. Those who go into Wall Street, therefore, for the sake of making investments are taking advantage, in a normal and legitimate way, of the rapidly increasing resources of the Nation.

But there is a great difference between buying for investment-that is to say, buying with relation to actual values—and buying for purposes of speculation-that is, buying on the strength of the value of the day, in the belief that the value will be increased to-morrow, and that the purchaser can then sell at a profit. This often means buying what one has not the money to pay for, and selling what one does not possess; it is gambling, pure and simple. Such gambling always accompanies a great rise of values. The substantial purchasers who deal with realities are surrounded by a hoard of speculators, usually of small means, with narrow margins which they cannot afford to lose, who play the game in Wall Street precisely as professional gamblers play it around the roulette or card table. One day last week, when the excitement was at its height, a young girl of fine instincts

was taken to the Stock Exchange, and looked down for the first time upon the turmoil of one of the most extraordinary days in the history of the Exchange. Her comment when she came away was, "It is one of the saddest sights I have ever seen." There is something profoundly saddening in the spectacle of the mad rush and whirl of a great speculative movement, when men seem to part with their sanity and rush at prospective profits with a kind of unhuman intensity. The most significant thing in last week's history in Wall Street for the sober-minded and thoughtful observer was the fact that on Friday the values of many stocks fell from sheer physical exhaustion of traders and the inability of the machinery of the Exchange to deal with the enormous volume of transactions.

We have come to a perilous stage in the present rise of values-the stage at which sober men are apt to lose their judgment, and young men, who have not yet arrived at years of judgment, are likely to entangle

effort and sometimes by organization. Nothing is more frightful in its vulgarity and general demoralization than a woman, turned gambler, buying her wardrobe or gaining an additional sum for personal expenses by her winnings at cards; and yet this is precisely the way in which some fashionable women have been making money during the last few years. This means not only loss of character, but loss of youth and of beauty; it means nervous exhaustion and kindred physical ills; for the gambling mania, when once it has seized its victim, is like the opium habitextremely difficult to shake off, and invol、ing in the end absolute disintegration of the moral nature. Mature men of means, young men generally, and all women, should carefully guard their sanity while values are rising and not attempt to gain by gambling that success which ought to come only as the fruit of foresight, intelligence, energy, and patience.

themselves, perhaps for life. It is a good Degrees and Public Men

time for all men who do not intend to purchase for investment, or who have not abundant means to lose, to keep away from Wall Street. Nothing is more demoralizing than the gambling mania, the desire to secure large returns without commensurate effort and without the long patience and waiting which the accumulation of wealth by legitimate means involves. Magical stories of sudden turns of fortune are in the air; one overhears young men recounting Arabian Night tales of fortunes made in an hour. It is a time to turn a deaf ear to all these temptations. If the stocks were suddenly to fall, there would come to light at this moment a great many defalcations; for men of excellent impulses are tempted at such a time to risk money which is not their own. The gambling mania is as old as humanity; it is felt by all classes, but especially by people of leisure. During the past two years there has been an outbreak of gambling of very serious extent among certain fashionable sets. Dr. Huntington's timely word in a sermon preached in this city during the winter called attention to an evil the existence of which has been recognized by soberminded women in fashionable circles, who have striven to stem the tide by individual

While the question whether the degree of LL.D. should be given to President McKinley by Harvard University was still unsettled, The Outlook took no part. in that discussion, because it appears to us that there are some questions which are not to be determined by the press. Such is the question whether a particular university shall give a particular degree to a particular man. This may properly be left to the authorities of the university, without counsel from the omnisicient newspaper. But now that it is unofficially announced that the authorities have unanimously agreed to confer the title on President McKinley, the occasion seems appropriate for the expression of some opinion respecting the significance of such degrees and the principle upon which in general they should be granted. An honorary degree never ought to be given to a man simply because he holds a high public office. This principle was affirmed by Harvard in its refusal to grant a degree of LL.D. to Benjamin F. Butler. He had done nothing, in the opinion of the University authorities, to entitle him to the honor, and the mere fact that he had been elected a Governor of the State did not entitle him to it. An honorary

« PreviousContinue »