Shadowy Waters (The). By W. B. Yeats. Dodd, Mead & Co., New York. 62×10 in. 62 pages. $1.50.

A very beautiful example of the modern Celtic work in poetry; tender, delicate, and mystical, almost entirely detached from reality, although finding its material in a rude age, and bringing before the imagination men of a cruel and primitive temper. By reaction from the hard conditions of to-day, the Irish poets seem to take refuge in the rich legendary history of their country—a beautiful mythology which is a most precious inheritance of Ireland for literary purposes. In the group of modern Celtic poets Mr. Yeats holds perhaps the first place; not so much in original force as in delicacy of imagination, and in the distinctness with which he presents the Celtic type of sensibility, fancy, and the tendency to mysticism. Successors of Mary the First (The). By Eliza

beth Stuart Phelps. Illustrated. Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston. 3x71⁄2 in. 267 pages. $1.50. An Iliad of domestic woes, told in Mrs. Ward's lightest vein with considerable humor, and presenting graphically drawn sketches of a series of domestic servants of various degrees of obduracy, stupidity, carelessness, with two bright exceptions. The story culminates in a catastrophe-an attack of nervous prostration. Through Luzon on Highways and Byways.

By Willis Bliss Wilcox. The Franklin Book Co.,
Philadelphia. 54×8 in. 235 pages.

A badly written account of the trip which the author and Cadet Sargent made through northern Luzon when the territory was under the control of the newly organized Philippine Republic. The author's observations in all respects agree with those made by his companion and first published in The Outlook in the fall of 1899. He expresses a high regard for the civilization of his Filipino hosts, but refuses to enter the controversy as to what should be the settlement of the Philippine problem. The book contains several interesting illustrations. Victim of Circumstances (A). By Geraldine Anthony. Harper & Bros., New York. 5×71⁄2 in. 368 pages. $1.50.

Voysey. By R. O. Prowse. The Macmillan Co., New York. 54×784 in. 404 pages. $1.50. If it be held that any discussion of illicit relations between the sexes is inadmissible in fiction, this novel must a priori be classed as reprehensible. But critics and moralists are more and more inclined to consider that spirit, purpose, and moral tone rather than subject must be looked to in determining whether or not a story is commendable. "Voysey" is certainly not, on the one hand, a book with a patent moral purpose; on the other hand, it is not vulgar, sensual, or meretricious. Primarily and essentially it is a study of disillusionment. The methods of the author are closer, sometimes to those of Henry James, sometimes to those of George Gissing, than to those of the writers who shock the aesthetic and moral senses by broad or suggestive pictures of sensualism. Very deliberately, without any sensationalism, with exceeding delicacy of art, the author analyzes motive, temperament, and character, until the man and woman whose entanglement makes the sole plot of the story are brought before the reader's perception in

every minute shade of thought and passion. As a piece of careful, subtle writing, few novels of late publication can compare with this. The fineness and certainty of touch are, indeed, extraordinary. In a sense, there is a vital lesson in this story of the growth and death of a guilty attachment-the vanity and nothingness of passion, the forlornness and emptiness of sin; this note is struck in the very last words of the man's reflection: "If the way of experience, of the deepened experience, of the deepened life, was for him the only way of atonement, that deepening could only result upon condition that, for long time to come, the burden of this folly should lie heavy upon him." In the main, however, the author is not a preacher, but an artist whose intent is for truth in art. His acumen and psychological exactness are quite out of the ordinary. War's Brighter Side. By Julian Ralph. With Contributions from A. Conan Doyle, Rudyard Kip

ling, and Others. Illustrated. Deton & Co., This tells the story of the publication of a little newspaper called "The Friend" by the newspaper correspondents in South Africa. With such contributors as Kipling and Conan Doyle, and such editors as Mr. Ralph and his associates, the little sheet could hardly help being jolly. Perhaps the extracts here given are too voluminous for the general reader, but they at all events commemorate a picturesque and interesting phase of war.

New York. 5x784 in. 471 pages.

Women of the New Testament. By Walter F. Adeney, M.A. Thomas Whittaker, New York. 434X71⁄2 in. 276 pages. $1.

This is a worthy companion to Dr. Horton's charming studies, recently noticed in this column, on The Women of the Old Testament." Not only the hand of the scholar but the practical eye of the moralist has drawn these studies of character with an interest that connects historical with existing types, and finds in ancient life and experience a light for to-day. Many brief expositions of the Biblical narrative naturally occur, and in these Professor Adeney is always felicitous. His theological point of view, where points of controversy emerge, is on the liberal-orthodox side. For an enlarged ministry of women in the modern church, not short of public speaking, he finds ample Biblical precedent.

Mr. Charles L. Hammond, whose book, "About the Bible," was reviewed in The Outlook of April 20, writes us that we erroneously ascribed to him the account it gives of the books of the New Testament; that it is the account given by the "Bible for Learners,” and that he rarely expresses his own opinion, but endeavors to give the opinion of some of the greatest and best men of our time." We do not understand Mr. Hammond as intimating that the opinions of which our review expressly termed him "the compiler" are not his own, nor does the preface to his book intimate that he presents them for any other reason than that he has adopted them. Nevertheless, we should have been technically more correct in referring to them as quoted by him rather than as "his."

"Some Southern Impressions "-Two Views To the Editors of The Outlook:

Your article on "Some Southern Impressions" I desire to thank you for. Your impressions are eminently correct. Through the words and work of Booker T. Washington and through the efforts of good people North and South the true conditions of the negro problem are being made clear to all our people in the whole Nation; and a clear statement and understanding is, of course, the first necessary step in the solution of any problem.

The frank, brotherly spirit you manifest in your words concerning the ideas and conditions down here will do much good, especially in making the Southern white man see that he is understood and sympathized with by his Northern brother. Two facts seem, or have heretofore seemed, axiomatic to the Southern white man in his views on this question: first, the Northern white man would have his exact views and methods under similar conditions; and, second, the Northern man has not ever fully understood the true status of affairs in the South.

We believe that slavery, in the providence of God, was a blessing to the negro, but a greater injury to the white man than the negro's presence here is a burden to him now.

The negro needs internal improvement, if possible, more than change in his external environments. Now that the best people everywhere—even among the negroes-realize this, we can all co-operate wisely to do the work needed. I hope you and your good friends will come South again before long. Your spirit will help to make us more worthy of your co-operation and brotherly sympathy. Thanking you again, and with assurances of high esteem, I am, etc.,

HOMER BUSH. Andrew Female College, Cutnbert, Ga.

To the Editors of The Outlook:

All that you say in your article on "Some Southern Impressions" is, in its right relations, true. The Southerner has less antipathy to the color of the negro than has the Northerner, and he has

more interest in the negro's welfare than the Northerner has, because his destiny is wrapped up in that of the negro. He desires the negro's education, but not in the same sense at all in which the average Northerner desires the education of the lower classes of Northern society. If you could see the school-houses, or rather shanties in place of school-houses, and know of the meager stipend that colored teachers get, and bear in mind how small a proportion of the school money raised is appropriated for the colored people, you would hardly say that "he desires the negro's education." Of course the South has spent a good deal for the education of the negro, but not as much all told since the war as New York City spends every two years to support its public schools. . . . The principal evil that will come to us will be along the line of the prejudice against the literary education of the negro. One-tenth of the children of school age in the United States are negroes in the South; and every one of these that is being taught in a public school must be taught by a negro. Has the time come when the industrial education rather than the literary education is better adapted to make good teachers of public schools? Then, too, these eight millions of colored people need doctors. They prefer a well-equipped negro doctor rather than a white one. Is there any psychological reason for making white doctors by an extended classical education and negro doctors by an industrial? The same principle holds in the matter of lawyers and druggists and ministers. When the time comes that persons entering these professions in the North should learn to hoe and plow and lay bricks. rather than go to literary and classical schools, it will be the right policy to shut off all our literary and classical schools for the negroes in the South. The trouble is that, both North and South, men are forgetting that negroes are Americans, and that, as Americans, they have a right to an American education; and an American education, if I understand it, is this: the common school for the masses; the industrial school for those who have the

aptitude to receive it, and who will use it when they get it; the higher education for the professional man and for the leaders of the people.

J. G. MERRILL.

Fisk University, Nashville, Tenn.

'Nothing New Under the Sun" To the Editors of The Outlook:

In The Outlook, under date of March 20, the following editorial comment appears: "A new basis of church membership has been established by Dr. Macfarland, the pastor, and his advisers in the Maplewood Congregational Church of Malden, Mass. The first change provides for the enrollment of all baptized children upon the membership book of the church," This is very good-but it is not new basis of church membership"-unless,

etc.

a

perhaps, it be new in that part of the country to which the article refers. It is not new in many other denominations. It has been in regular and unbroken use for generations in the Church to which the writer belongs. Every minister of the Reformed Church (U. S.) is obliged to report every year the number of "confirmed" and "unconfirmed" members of the church, the latter being the baptized children. Their names are regularly and carefully inscribed in the church book, and they themselves are regarded as being in a real and not a fictitious sense members of the Church, being taught from their infancy that they " are not their own, 'ɔut belong to their faithful Saviour Jesus Christ," as says the Heidelberg Catechism in its opening Question and Answer. Easton, Pa. H. M. K.

Please explain wherein there is really any advance in the "New Theology" over Arminianism as regards the salvation of mankind? In Dr. Abbott's article on The Rights of Man, Chapter III., paragraph five, he defines the Arminian doctrine of election to be that "God chooses all who choose him." What is the doctrine of the "New Theology"? If. it is broader than Arminianism, would it be that God chooses (to save) all, even those who do not choose him (i. e., choose to be saved); and that his choice must prevail? Can the "New Theology" have an if in it as regards universal salvation, and still be spoken of as a real advance on Arminianism? From what I know of Universalism, it should be referred to by Dr. Abbott instead of the New Theology, where he seeks a further step in eschatology, for Universalism is a real advance on Arminianism as respects the final results of God's purpose and efforts to save men. Universalism holds that God will succeed in every case and finally be all in all. Nor does it teach that his method will be that of compulsion or coercion, any more than Arminianism teaches that he will not help men to choose him.

H. R. R.

The New Theology holds that God chooses to do all for all men that infinite love can do, but declines to be dogmatic as to what that is which infinite love can accomplish while it preserves the moral freedom of the individual. It regards the elect individual as elect for the benefit of the non-elect through a ministration in which only he finds the blessing of the elect. That is, he is elect to serve and save the world, rather than to be saved out of the world, and in such service he is to work out his own salvation. As Dr. Bruce said, twenty years ago, election was simply God's method of fitting the few to bless the many (see his "Chief End of Revelation," p. 109). I would be pleased to have you recommend the best and most reliable "Life of Christ." I am not particular as to the size of the work. I want to read the most authentic. F. A.

If you desire a critically written work, adapted to the ordinary reader, and without sketchy embellishment or homiletic comments, there is perhaps nothing better

than Professor Gilbert's "Student's Life of Jesus" (The Macmillan Company, New York, $1.50).

1. Please tell me if most churches solicit or accept aid from the saloon business. I have withdrawn from a church society on that account, but am told by members that it is quite the usual thing, and that saloon men ought to help redeem sinners, since they make so many. Custom does not affect my opinion of right or wrong, but I do wish to know if it is really true that the majority of churches accept or solicit help from such sources. I would be glad to see an article in The Outlook on this subject. 2. Please name latest and best text-book in language for beginners, also publisher. C. S. P.

1. We are glad to answer the inquirer, residing in a fardistant State, that, though cases essentially like the above, and equally reprehensible, have sometimes been discov ered in this part of the country, in some church getting rent from property let for such business, we have never till now heard of the sort of thing above described. 2. As the age of the "beginner" is not stated, we recommend you to send to Messrs. Ginn & Co., Boston, for their catalogue, in which you will find an ample variety of the best books.

Do any Congregational churches use a consecration service without baptism for children? Would it not be desirable that this method should be introduced in place of baptism of infants, for which there seems to be no Scriptural warrant? W. E. J.

We think that some do so. A service-book in the hands of the present writer, by Dr. Hunter, a Congregational minister in Scotland, contains a form for that purpose nearly identical with the form for baptism (James Clarke & Co., publishers, London). Such a rite is certainly desirable in cases where there are conscientious scruples against infant baptism.

Who is the author of "Sow an act and you reap a habit; sow a habit and you reap a character; sow a character and you reap a destiny"? E. B. G.

Vol. 68

The trolley-car strike The Albany Car Strike which for several days has "tied up" the lines of the United Traction Company of Albany and Troy seems to have grown out of two demands on the part of the men: first, that their union be recognized and its officers treated with; and, second, that non-union employees be discharged. The first of these. demands is eminently reasonable, but, if the newspapers can be trusted, the vital point at issue is whether men working for the company shall be discharged on the demand of the union because they are not members of its organization. If this be true, we hope that the company (which now threatens to increase its non-union force) will refuse to yield, and that the citizens of Albany and Troy, without regard to class, will sustain the company. It is now proposed to submit the question to a representative of the company, a representative of the strikers, and a disinterested citizen. The attempt to force laborers to join a union to get employment is a far more serious violation of the rights of labor than of the rights of capital, and, if generally successful, will in the end demoralize if it does not destroy the unions themselves. Every workingman has a right to belong to a labor organization, if he chooses. He has an equal right to refuse to belong, and the denial of either right, whether by the labor or the capitalistic organization, is a species of despotism. Moreover, any policy which converts the labor union from a voluntary organization of free men into an organization partly made up of free men, partly of those who have been drafted into the organization against their will, is destructive of the organization itself. It can have no other effect than to sow seeds of dissension within the order, which, when the time of trial comes, when its

No. 3

strength is most needed, will cause it to break down for lack of moral coherence.

A National Committee

of Conciliation

The right men took part in the Conference held in New York City last week by the National Committee on Conciliation and Arbitration in industrial disputes. This Committee was created at a Convention held in Chicago last December under the auspices of the National Civic Federation, and the object of last week's meeting was to formulate definitely the methods through which it should work. It sensibly decided that conciliation rather than arbitration offered the most hopeful field for its labor. Conciliation may be defined as arbitration before the war begins or war feeling is aroused. The Committee agreed that "the only reliable method of avoiding [industrial] disturbances is through full and frank conferences between employers and workmen, with the avowed purpose of reaching an agreement as to terms of employment;" and, in order to promote such conferences, decided to "establish a board or commission composed of employers and employees of judgment, experience, and reliability," who should keep in touch with all representative bodies of employers and employed, and enlist local committees similarly constituted to further conciliation in their respective localities. Two public meetings were addressed by members of the Conference-one in the Chamber of Commerce and the other in the Cooper Union. The meeting in the Chamber of Commerce was appropriately presided over by Mr. Samuel Gompers, President of the American Federation of Labor. The first speaker at this meeting was Bishop Potter, who commented upon "the steady growth of intelligence of the

workingmen." "I have often," he said, "served with them on different boards, and nothing has struck me more forcibly than their candor and open-mindedness.' President Flint, of the United States Rubber Company, made a particularly effective speech, in which he noted that American labor was able to produce more cheaply than the Oriental labor which receives but one-fifth the wages enjoyed by our own workingmen, and that the only danger to America's expanding exports was that of conflicts between labor and capital. At the Cooper Union meeting President Mitchell, of the Mine Workers, said: "I do not presume that this Conference has solved the labor problem, but I believe that the plans agreed upon to-day will do much to prevent strikes and lockouts. Nearly all of the strikes which have occurred could have been avoided if the employers and the representatives of labor organizations had conferred." At the same meeting Mr. Gompers recognized the supreme interest of the public in plans to prevent war. "It will be a choice," he said, "between voluntary arbitration and compulsory arbitration where jail will await those who will not work under settlement ordered by the courts." To avoid the interference of the courts, classes as well as individuals must adjust their grievances in peace.

The North River Bridge Bill Vetoed

Governor Odell, of New York, has vetoed the pernicious North River Bridge Bill, not only on the economic ground that it gave a private corporation, almost without compensation, an invaluable railway franchise along the docks on the west side of New York City, but also upon the broad political ground that the State Government ought not to wrest from the local government control of distinctively local concerns. The message raises Governor Odell still higher in the esteem of men of all parties, and helps to establish the home rule principle which all parties indorse in the abstract but so often violate in the concrete.

lingly new and much broader definition of the Governor's veto-power was established. We do not see its justification. The Constitution of the State declares that "the Governor shall have power to disapprove of any item or items of any bill making appropriations of money, . . . and the part or parts of the bill approved shall be the law, and the item or items disapproved shall be void, unless repassed," etc. The Legislature of 1899 appropriated the sum of eleven million dollars for the support and maintenance of the public schools of the State for two years. This amount the Governor, after the adjournment, reduced to ten million dollars. Previous executives had compelled private institutions to which appropriations had been made to file remittiturs for certain amounts, thus effectually cutting down the appropriation; but no Governor had ever before deliberately vetoed a part of an item. Steps were taken by some of the school districts to test the Governor's right, with the result that the Supreme Court has confirmed his action. Without entering into the legal aspects of the decision, its effect will be to make the Governor of the State the determining factor in all questions of the amount of money appropriated for any purpose. Not only can he determine whether an object or institution shall have State aid, but he can determine the amount, subject to the single limitation as to the maximum amount fixed by the Legislature, for the Court has held that he may reduce, but not increase, the amount. This decision carries still further the recent tendency to increase the power of the executive in city, State, and Nation. Inasmuch as the control of the public purse was the first substantial power wrested from the Crown by the English Parliament, and has been the source of most of the subsequent concessions to popular sovereignty, the decision of the Court strikes at the very foundations of representative government in Pennsylvania. The provision in the Pennsylvania Constitution giving the Executive the right to veto separate items in appropriation bills commended itself to the common sense of legislators as a means of checking the evil of "log-rolling," or inserting items to get the votes of particular men, when the Legislature did not really approve of