expression of the will and hope of the people. Four out of five share not at all in the rising distrust which wealth and commerce and society and power cherish against the masses in their plan of governing themselves by the freely expressed will of the majority.

The great preponderating body of American life is still sound on the fundamental question. It is still moved by the very same impulses and passions which stirred our fathers of the seventeenth century in breaking away from Europe, and our later fathers of the eighteenth in declaring independence and sealing it with their blood. This great body of Americanism, spread broadly over the continent, clings to it as its cover of life and hope. It does not constitute the directive force, but it does constitute the substance and soul of the American Republic and of the nation. While the directive forces are steering straight for Europe, the great body of the common people of the United States hold heartily and strongly to independence, to liberty, both civil and individual, to democratic institutions, to government of man by man and for him.

While the powers that be in America incline to unite with the European system and to become a part of it, the American people, great and strong, will have none of it- unless they can be beaten in the tremendous game that is now on in the world. Left to the directive forces that have present control of our destinies, we shall, within a comparatively short period of time, be securely Europeanized — firmly reanchored to the ancient political order; but left to the direction of the unsullied instincts and sound heart of America, throbbing in the breast of the people, we shall be democratized more than we are, kept independent, pressed forward in the direction of larger liberties for society and firmer safeguards for the individual rights of man. Shall we go to Europe, or shall we not?

This question is the essence of the current commotion in our country. On the one hand wealth, organization, commerce, "society," all the prevailing forces in our public life, are on the alert, buzzing like Athenians about "the foreign affairs of the United States;" this, when we should have

no foreign affairs, or only a few. Our political powers are as deep as their elbows in every complication of the world. American newspapers are at a white heat over what? Over nothing, unless we are to become a part of Europe. In that event, we are already in the swiftest swim. In that event, we have not far to go until we shall be even as the rest. But if, on the other hand, America suffices for herself

as she does - and for the future of mankind; if our Republic is to continue as the one singular example of public liberty under law, showing forth the freedom of man in its highest and best civil and social manifestations, then shall we be, not Europeanized, but democratized more than ever. And that is the one desideratum that now presents itself as a supreme motive in our destiny.

Away with the aping of Europe in any matter whatsoever! Away with the purpose of those who would carry us back to the condition from which we broke away in the glorious days of the Revolution! Away with the substitution of trade for liberty! Away with the gloss and delusion of an artificial, unrepublican society! Away with the base subserviency which after a hundred and twenty-three years of independence would bend again the stalwart knees of the American democracy before the sham thrones and detested sceptres of the Old World's puppets and idols! The belief of many and the hope of not a few that we shall be restored to the European fold are mere rot and reaction! Up with the banner of Independence! Down with the ill-disguised purpose of a half-foreign minority to Europeanize the United States! America is sufficient for America; and the American people—if they have the courage to stand upon their feet and play out the magnificent game of civilization — are sufficient for themselves and for posterity.

HAWAIIAN ANNEXATION FROM A JAPANESE

H"

POINT OF VIEW.

BY KEIJIRO NAKAMURA.

ITHERTO, Japan has always looked upon this country with a certain admiration, for the simple reason that it had cherished a most highly commendable principle of foreign relation, as set forth by George Washington : "Observe good faith and justice toward all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all." Therefore, the tidings relating to the overturn of the native government of Hawaii by a certain group of American people in 1892, and to the subsequent acceptance of the proposed annexation of the islands by President Harrison, were received in Japan with considerable astonishment. And now the revival of the same treaty has caused double astonishment in Japan.

But the annexationists maintain that the United States is not introducing any new feature to her foreign policy through the proposed scheme of annexation, because this country has for many years exercised a semi-protectoral influence over Hawaii; because she has completely Americanized the Hawaiian civilization through the introduction of American capital, intellect, and belief; and, finally, because the Hawaiians themselves seek to become American citizens.

But here, in the first place, the protectoral power is an entirely different thing from annexation; it does not even pave a way toward that end. For, if it did, all South American republics, for the sake of self-defence, would be obliged to denounce a quasi-protectoral policy of the United States, which is named the "Monroe doctrine."

Secondly, whatever things are socially accomplished through the introduction of capital, intellect, and belief would not constitute any political claim. If, on the contrary, such an absurd policy were established, the importation of foreign capital and the work of foreign missions would become instrumentalities for political aggrandizement, and

the Oriental nations, such as China and Japan, would be compelled to refuse such an importation.

Finally, the third reason advanced by the annexationists seems to us a very nice diplomatic arrangement. Because the present Hawaiian body politic consists of about 2,000 voters, most of whom are Americans, therefore, in the negotiation of the treaty of annexation, one set of Americans speak for Hawaii, while another set of Americans speak for the United States. Such an arrangement seems to us a fine political trick, which is far more clever than the delicate schemes of Great Britain for gradual aggrandizement of land.

Besides these, there is a stronger reason set forth by the annexationists, that is, to check the growing influence and ambition of the Japanese people in the Hawaiian Islands.

What is the influence of the Japanese inhabitants in Hawaii? Truly, the Japanese inhabitants in the Sandwich Islands are steadily increasing in number; but they are merely laboring people, the people who work under the management of American capitalists. But, though they are under the system of a republic, they have no political power, because they cannot satisfy the property qualification for franchise. Of course, some Japanese capitalists might immigrate into the islands to start a certain new industry, and thus become citizens of Hawaii. But, even so, the number of Japanese voters would likely be very small, since the greater portion of the property in Hawaii is owned by the white race. What, then, is to be feared about the Japanese inhabitants in Hawaii? There is not the least possibility of danger which might arise from them.

It is, indeed, very ridiculous to see so many American papers speaking as if Japan were fostering some political intrigue in Hawaii. Suppose Japan should take possession of the islands by force; what interest would she derive from them? Since the economic and social fabrics are under the control of Americans, annexation of the islands by Japan would by no means promote any material interest she is seeking. Japan, though anxious to colonize her people, would not waste her power in gaining an inch of territory which would

not yield her any material interest, or which she would not be able to control. Therefore, the rumor that Japan has a certain unworthy intention about Hawaii is altogether unfounded.

It is very surprising, indeed, to see the United States acting so seriously upon mere rumor. So far as the United States is concerned, the proposed annexation would hardly yield her any additional gain. For even under the government of the native queen, the United States had always exercised a great influence politically, socially, and commercially, so that these islands were practically, though not in name, owned by this country.

In such a case, however, the mere name is a very important thing, and the transferring it from one country to the other may involve most serious international complications. On this very account, though England practically governs Egypt, she cannot claim a sovereign right over her. The absorption of one sovereignty by another is not such an easy matter as the union of one private corporation with another; for it may involve the question of balance of power, and when such a revolutional change is carried out by force it means a menace to neighboring countries.

In the case of Hawaii, the United States has not used any means of violence, but, as we have already seen, a certain group of adventurers claiming citizenship of this country have taken the right of sovereignty through violence from the queen, and now the mother country has nearly been persuaded to count the islands among her own territories. If such an attitude of the United States toward her neighboring islands in the Pacific Ocean should become established, it means to the Japanese people something new and also very alarming. They naturally construe this attitude of the United States as an opening policy of colonial expansion; and even though neither the President nor the Secretary of State may intend to establish this policy, it may nevertheless become developed out of the present example set forth by them. This policy means, of course, to get as many inches of land as possible whenever any opportunity offers itself. Therefore, it practically amounts to the same thing as a