public announcement by the United States to follow the example of Peter the Great of Russia, who is said to have laid out a secret plan of political aggrandizement. Thus, Japan is about to be flanked by aggressive nations on both sides. Why should she not feel uncomfortable about the new tide of things? This is the reason, I think, why the Japanese minister said that the independence of Hawaii is necessary for the good understanding between the powers that have interests in the Pacific Ocean.

Of course, the United States does not, I imagine, intend to make any violent change in her foreign policy as abovementioned and to create a new departure in her history, hitherto free from political intrigue and aggressive movement. Let us grant this, and let the Japanese minister withdraw his protest relating indirectly to this particular point. Even then Japan has another reason to complain against the proposed annexation. It is this, that the annexation treaty totally ignores the treaty rights that Japan has enjoyed in Hawaii. When Japan was first asked to send her workingmen to Hawaii, she demanded from the latter a careful consideration in the way of protecting the personal rights of laborers. The result was Hawaii's promise to observe the principle of the most favored nation in behalf of Japan. So the Hawaiian government is bound, by virtue of that treaty, to treat the Japanese people as well as the European. But now, in the relation between Japan and the United States, this favor is not guaranteed by the treaty, and in the matter of naturalization this country discriminates against the Mongolian race, including the Japanese inhabitants. Therefore, after the absorption of Hawaii by the United States, Japan would theoretically lose her privilege to be treated like any other nation, and practically her people would lose their right to become citizens of Hawaii. On this account, Japan cannot overlook the coming event of annexation, for she is bound to protect her treaty rights, the rights that have been acquired in favor of her people.

Secretary Sherman, however, insists upon saying that, whatever treaties exist between Hawaii and other nations. must be nullified as soon as the independence of the

Hawaiian republic ceases to exist, and therefore the United States will be under no obligation to respect the treaty rights of Japan that she holds in the Hawaiian Islands.

This argument would hold good as soon as the annexation shall have been completed, should other powers fail to make any protest beforehand. But the present case is different. In the first place, the independence of Hawaii does still exist, and the annexation, though not yet completed, is in the way of advance. In this juncture Japan reminds both Hawaii and the United States to respect her treaty rights. Is this not a reasonable demand? Has she not a right to make such request either from Hawaii or from the United States?

Further, does not the annexation mean an absorption of Hawaii by the United States while the former power bears a certain condition of obligations? Would not the United States then become slightly altered in her situation toward other countries? Would she not have to enter into a new relation with Japan? Truly, the United States and Japan must negotiate a new treaty in order to meet the new state of affairs. If it had been contemplated to do this contemporaneously with the conclusion of the annexation treaty, there would never have been any unfortunate misunderstanding between the two countries. It is, therefore, a great pity that the diplomats of both parties failed to adopt such a measure to bring about the desirable end.

One might say that it was not for the United States to propose a new treaty with Japan, for she is satisfied with the present treaty, and will be so satisfied even after the absorption of Hawaii; while, on the other hand, it is for the Japanese minister to propose a new treaty if his country is not satisfied that the present treaty should remain in force after the consummation of the annexation of Hawaii. This is quite right, and I admit it. But while the representatives of the United States and Hawaii were negotiating the treaty of annexation, the Secretary of State did not intimate to the Japanese minister his intention, though he did so to the ambassadors from other countries. This was one of the regrettable failures of diplomatic courtesy, for had the Japanese minister known what was going on between the repre

sentatives of the two countries, he could have cordially made a certain proposition to the government at Washington to provide for the forthcoming change of affairs, and he would likely have succeeded in negotiating a new treaty of friendship with this country.

Cer

It is not as yet too late to resort to this measure. tainly, to revive the diplomatic courtesy and to settle smoothly the pending difficulty that exists between the two countries, is much more desirable than to sow a seed of international animosity which would eventually cause much unnecessary expense to both parties.

Of course Japan would never nourish any ambition to fight with this great republic, for she knows too well its power and resources; but at the same time she would not allow any party to snatch away her treaty rights. For it is a question of right or wrong, and not a question involving intricate political affairs in which a shrewd diplomatic skill and national power are to be tested. Supposing Japan loses all that she claims, it is not Japan that we should dishonor; and supposing that she gains, it is not Japan that we should praise. The whole moral responsibility in the pending question lies with the people who are asked to respect a certain human right, and whose moral pride has been for one hundred years towering over every selfish nation on the face of the earth.

A POLITICAL DEAL.

BY ELIZA FRANCES ANDREWS.

HE Honorable Bradley Tyner sat in his office with a pile of letters freshly sealed and directed lying on the

THE

table before him. He had just concluded his business for the day, and as he folded the last letter and laid it on top of the pile ready for mailing, he threw himself back in his easy-chair and gazed into the fire with a look of long-drawnout contentment.

And, indeed, the day had been a most auspicious one for the Honorable Bradley. The congressional primaries had just been closed, and had resulted in the election of a large majority of delegates favorable to his nomination. For Bradley Tyner had ambitions. He had represented his county for two terms in the State legislature, was now chairman of the board of education and president of the Young Men's Lurid League of Liberty of the town of Hillsboro, and aspired to represent his district in Congress. The result of the primaries was, as has just been stated, highly favorable to his projects, and he saw himself already, in fancy, electrifying the lawmakers of the nation with his great speech on "The Free Circulation of Sea-Shells and Wampum as the Basis of Educational Progress," when his pleasant reverie was suddenly interrupted as the door swung open, and a portly middle-aged figure appeared on the threshold.

"Why, hallo, Carter! that you?" said the future statesman, rising and placing a chair for the visitor. "Come in and take a seat; any more news?"

"I just dropped in," answered Carter, seating himself and spreading his feet out on the hearth, "to say that Charley Johnson told me a despatch had just come to the Gazette that Hill and Rober'son have been chosen delegates from Holton, and Williamson from Lineville; there ain't but two more precincts to hear from, so I reckon we can feel pretty safe.” "Yes, good, safe men, all three," said Tyner, rubbing his

hands complacently; "can be depended on to stand by the party and work for the good of the country under all circumstances."

What he really meant was that they could be depended on to stand by Bradley Tyner, and look out for his interests; but as in his opinion the salvation of the country and the continued existence of the party were conditioned upon his own election, it is hardly probable that he was conscious of not saying exactly what he meant.

"Have you fixed Jones, of Newton, yet?" asked Carter after a little pause. "I suspicion the Whittaker crowd has been tampering with him, and he can't make up his mind who to vote for. He wants to get his boy George in the post office, but there don't seem to be much chance for anybody to get a job, if this here fool civil-service business is to be kept up. No matter how hard a man works for his party, it looks like he mustn't expect to get any pay for it; there's no encouragement to true patriotism under any such gover❜ment."

"Now you're talkin'," assented Tyner, with an approving nod, "and if I once get into Congress, the first thing I mean to do is to introduce a bill knocking the whole business into a cocked hat. All gover'ment positions ought to be open to all citizens in turn, so that every man that sacrifices himself for the good of the party can have his turn at an office; that's true Jeffersonian doctrine. But something must be done about Jones," he continued, pulling his whiskers reflectively, "for while I feel pretty sure of having the inside track of Whittaker in the convention, still we must remember that the welfare of the country is at stake, and we must leave no stone unturned to carry the convention for sound Jeffersonian principles."

"I have some hold on Jones on account of that note I indorsed for him at the bank," observed Carter, feeling in his pocket for a fresh plug of tobacco; "I think I might be able to fix him without much trouble."

Tyner answered with a chuckle of satisfaction, and then, having laid his train, the patriotic Carter continued, after a little pause: