is a treatise." Another said, "it is long, but it doesn't say anything." It is no wonder when we consider that a sub-committee workt on it a part of a day and an entire night, and then the whole committee took it up and workt on it nearly a whole day and an entire night-16 hours in continuous session. The trouble was that "57 varieties" of democrats were trying to get together on the same platform. Of course that is impossible without dishonesty or meaningless words. Vital issues were favored by some and opposed by others; and for the sake of "harmony," it was a case of "I'll give up mine if you will give up yours;" so that left nothing vital. As an illustration, Hill wanted a gold standard plank, and Bryan wanted an income tax plank, and each opposed the other's plank. Both were dropt as a compromise. What can we expect from such discordant elements but platitudes? Hill objected to an income tax, saying that it would lose New York state; Bryan urged that they must appeal to the masses of the people, and that they were in favor of an income tax. Hill still objected, but said that he was "a democrat." The question is, then, what is a "democrat?" A member of the democratic party, I presume. The word democrat comes from demos: The people; but the democratic party is an organization to get offices. In 1896 and 1900 it stood for principles; now it stands to get in.

It is a beautifully worded, high sounding document, but there is not a really "live wire" in it. Such live issues as anti-injunction, direct legislation (initiativ and referendum), income tax, "banks get out of the governing business," etc., of the 1896 and 1900 platforms have been dropt, and nothing but platitudes and ancient history take their place. These are steps backward, and there are no steps forward, as postal savings banks, government telegraph, package post, etc., to take their place.

I am surprised that the democrats claim the credit for the irrigation law. It has been generally understood that this was President Roosevelt's pet measure; but I wish to congratulate the democrats on their part in making that law. I am also surprised at the wording of the civil service plank-in fact I am surprised at any such plank at all. I did not know that the democratic party "stands committed to the principles of civil service reform." It ought to be, and every party ought to be; but loud were the democratic complaints when President Cleveland insisted on adhering to the letter and spirit of the civil service law, and extended its application. This is one of the best things that Mr. Cleveland ever did.

Now as to the ticket: Judge Parker has been silent to the people. No amount of pressure could induce him to give his confidence to the people, but it has been evident that such a financial magnate as August Belmont, and such a practical politician as ex-Senator Hill had his confidence. Such men do not "buy a pig in a poke," but the delegates representing the people were expected to do so, and they were induced to do so. It was represented that Judge Parker was a nice man," and a good democrat "-whatever it may mean to be "a good democrat." It means one thing one time, and a very different thing at another time.

At this writing (July 10) I predict that all the socalled democratic papers that bolted the ticket in 1896 (particularly the powerful city dailies-controlled by corporation influences) will now hum a beautiful tune for the "silent candidate." They have wrested control of the party from the rank and file, and now handsome contributions to the campaign fund will be made, and they will expect to elect and inaugurate their sphynx (many think that Bryan was elected in 1896, but not inaugurated-no danger must come to the privileged classes). I fear that the attacks on Roosevelt will be personal-that he will be called " tional peril" (an expression heard in the St. Louis convention), a nigger lover," etc. This will make a very unfortunate kind of a campaign. A political campaign should be educativ - should be devoted largely to a discussion of principles. The object of elections is to determin policies. There was a time when I thought that Roosevelt was not as safe as a man should be to occupy the presidential chair-that he was too rash, too military, too spectacular. But

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now that he as been tried, he has shown himself to be safe in every way, except possibly to the trusts. They don't want to see him elected again, if they can get anybody who will be safer, from their point of view. Evidently they think they have found their man. Now is their chance to punish Roosevelt for showing some independence, and to reward the democratic party for "being good" again.

The silent candidate has spoken concerning gold. Well, gold is all right when it is right, and wrong when it is wrong. It was wrong in the early and middle 90's, but I suppose Judge Parker thought it was all right then. He gives no evidence of any information or opinions on the money question, except that he is for the gold standard, seemingly regardless of conditions. If somebody would discover a mountain of gold, or if all the gold mines in the world should suddenly fail, perhaps some people would study the money question, independent of gold, silver, or any other single product.

Judge Parker's running mate is president of two railroads, and of a national bank, is 81 years old, and a multi-millionaire. President Roosevelt's running mate is said to represent the trusts-it was thought that he was put on the ticket to placate the trusts. One of these tickets will be elected. It may be askt, where do the people come in, as all the courting and trimming is toward the financial and corporation powers. The old trick of these powers is to make the platform and ticket of both the dominant parties safe and sane," and then they are sure of protection. They contribute freely to both parties both before the conventions and during the campaign, to keep them both in good humor, and they are indifferent to which ticket is elected. In 1896 and 1900 the democratic party got away from them, and money was poured out for its defeat, and it is supposed that much money has been spent since 1896 to recapture it, which has finally been successful. As it is good policy for the parties to alternate occasionally as long as they good," it is probable that these powers will rather favor the election of the democratic party this time, because it is its "turn" and also as a reward for returning to "safety and sanity." But the question still is, where do the people come in? That is hard to answer. I have a plan evolving in my brain that may come to something practical. In the meantime, study the platforms and tickets presented to the people, including the following:

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POPULIST NATIONAL PLATFORM adopted at Springfield, Ill., July 5:

The Committee on Resolutions, in its report to the convention, reaffirmed adherence to the basic truths of the Omaha platform of 1892, and of the subsequent platforms of 1896 and 1900. The platform then says:

The issuing of money is a function of government and should never be delegated to corporations or individuals. The Constitution gives to Congress alone power to issue money and regulate its value.

We therefore demand that all money shall be issued by the government in such quantities as shall maintain stability in prices, every dollar to be a full legal tender, none of which shall be a debt redeemable in other money.

We demand that postal savings banks be establisht by the gov ernment for the safe deposit of the savings of the people.

We believe in the right of labor to organize for the benefit and protection of those who toil, and pledge the efforts of the people's party to preserve this right inviolate. Capital is organized and has no right to deny to labor the privilege which it claims for itself.

We feel that intelligent organization of labor is essential, that it raises the standard of workmanship, promotes the efficiency, intelligence and character of the wage earner. We believe, with Abraham Lincoln, that labor is prior to capital and not its slave, but its companion, and we plead for that broad spirit of toleration and justice which will promote industrial peace through the observance of the principles of voluntary arbitration.

We favor the enactment of legislation looking to the improvement of conditions for wage earners, the abolition of child labor, the suppression of sweatshops and of convict labor in competition with free labor and the exclusion from American shores of foreign pauper labor.

We favor the shorter work day and declare that if eight hours constitutes a day's labor in government service that eight hours should constitute a day's labor in factories, workshops and mines. As a means of placing all public questions directly under the control of the people, we demand that the legal provision be made under which the people may exercise the initiativ, referendum and

proportion representation and direct vote for all public officers, with the right of recall.

Land, including all the natural sources of wealth, is a heritage of all the people, and should not be monopolized for speculativ purposes, and alien ownership of land should be prohibited.

We demand a return to the original interpretation of the Constitution and a fair and impartial enforcement of laws under it and denounce government by injunction and imprisonment without the right of trial by jury.

To prevent unjust discrimination and monopoly the government should own and control the railroads and those public utilities, which, in their nature, are monopolized to perfect the postal service: The government should own and operate the general telegraphs and telephone system and provide a parcels post.

As to those trust and monopolies which are not public utilities or natural monopolies, we demand that those special priv leges which they now enjoy and which alone enable them to exist, should be immediately withdrawn.

Corporations being the creatures of government, should be subjected to such governmental regulations and control as will adequately protect the public. We demand the taxation of monoply privileges while they remain in private hands to the extent of the value of the privileges granted.

We demand that congress shall enact a general law, uniformly regulating the power and duties of all incorporated companies doing interstate business.

Here, indeed, are some "live wires." Study them well. There is no trimming the sails to catch the breezes from banks, corporations and trusts. These principles are in the interest of the people, as any intelligent man who will read them can readily see; yet the masses of the people will vote with their enemies, the trusts.

The ticket nominated on this platform is Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia, for president, and Thomas H. Tibbles, of Nebraska, for vice-president. The ticket will, of course, not be elected, but I hope that the platform and the speakers and writers of the party will do some valuable educating.

Those who wish to vote on ancient history would better join the unconquerables of the back woods, where it is said votes are still cast for Andrew Jackson: and it is said some of the colored brethren are still voting for Abraham Lincoln. Is it not time that we should let ancient history rest, and recognize present needs, and put them in our political platforms and make issues of them?

NATIONAL PROHIBITION PARTY PLATFORM. DEAR DR. TAYLOR:-In reading your Monthly Talk, as I always do, for July, I was disappointed to find no reference whatever to the national prohibition party convention. I inclose a copy of the platform adopted, and respectfully ask for your opinion of the same. Surely a party polling 200,000 votes in 1900 should be entitled to as much consideration as one polling 50,000.

I would very much appreciate a frank, and if you have time, full criticism of our platform as compared to the ones adopted by the republicans and democrats. Very sincerely, Millville, N. J.

GRAFTON E. DAY, (M. D.)

Certainly, I will accommodate you. I notice that you are the chairman of the prohibition committee of your state. It is a good thing for doctors to be conscientiously activ politically. The party that you speak of polling 50,000 votes-perhaps you mean the populist, or people's party. That is not a fair statement, as nearly all the voting strength of that party went to Bryan in 1896 and 1900. Bryan was their candidate. As an entirely independent party they polled over a million-I think about a million and a half-in 1892. Here is a prohibition platform:

The prohibition party in convention assem' led at Indianapolis, June 30, 1904, recognizing that the chief end of all government is the establishment of those principles of righteousness and justice, that have been revealed to man as the will of the ever living God, and desiring his blessings upon our national life and believing in the perpetuation of the high ideals of government of the people, by the people and for the people establisht by our fathers, makes the following declaration of principles and purposes:

First. The widely prevailing system of the licenst and legalized sale of alcoholic beverages is so ruinous to individual interests, so inimical to public welfare, so destructiv to national wealth and so subversiv to the rights of great masses of our citizenship that the destruction of the traffic is and for years has been the most important question in American politics.

Second. We denounce the lack of statesmanship exhibited by the leaders of the democratic and republican parties in their refusal to recognize the paramount importance of this question and the cowardice with which the leaders of these parties have courted the

favor of those whose selfish interests are advanced by the continuation and augmentation of the traffic, until today the influence of the liquor traffic practically dominates national, state and local government throughout the nation.

Third. We declare the truth, demonstrated by the experience of half a century, that all methods of dealing with the liquor traffic which recognizes its right to exist, in any form, under any system of license or tax or regulation, have proved powerless to remove its evils and useless as checks upon its growth, while the insignificant public revenues which have accrued therefrom have seared the public conscience against a recognition of its iniquity.

Fourth. We call public attention to the fact, proved by the experience of more than fifty years, that to secure the enactment and enforcement of prohibitory legislation, in which alone lies hope of protection of the people from the liquor traffic, it is necessary that the legislativ, executiv and judicial branches of the government should be in the hands of a political party in harmony with the prohibition principle and pledged to its embodiment in law and to the execution of those laws.

Fifth. We pledge the prohibition party, wherever given power by the suffrage of the people, to the enactment and enforcement of laws prohibiting and abolishing the manufacture, importation, transportation and sale of alcoholic beverages.

Sixth We declare there is not only no other issue of equal importance before the American people today, but that the socalled issues upon which the democratic and republican parties seek to divide the electorate of the country are in large part subterfuges, under the cover of which they wrangle for the spoils of office.

ATTITUDE ON PUBLIC QUESTIONS. Seventh. Recognizing that the intelligent voters of the country may properly ask our attitude upon other questions of public concern, we declare ourselves in favor of:

The impartial enforcement of all law.

The safeguarding of the people's rights by a rigid application of the principles of justice to all combinations and organizations of capital and labor.

A more intimate relation between the people and government by a wise adaptation of the principle of the initiativ and referendum. The safeguarding to every citizen in every place under the government of the people of the United States of all the rights guaranteed by the laws and the constitution.

International arbitration, and declare that our nation should contribute in every manner, consistent with national dignity, to the permanent establishment of peace between all nations.

The reform of our divorce laws, the final extirpation of polygamy and the total overthrow of the present shameful system of illegal sanction of the social evil, with its unspeakable traffic in girls, by the municipal authorities of almost all our cities.

We declare ourselves in favor of recognition of the fact that the right of suffrage should depend upon the mental and moral qualifications of the citizens.

We declare ourselves in favor of such changes in our laws as will place tariff schedules in the hands of a nonpartisan commission.

We declare ourselves in favor of the application of uniform laws for all our country and dependencies.

We declare ourselves in favor of the extension and honest administration of the civil service laws.

We declare ourselves in favor of the election of United States senators by vote of the people.

I confess to not having read the platform until this came in (July 14), with request for publication, but I had understood that the party adopted a single plank platform that is, confined themselves to the liquor issue. This is nearly true. This evidently pleases the corporations, trusts, banks, railroads, telegraph and express companies, etc. There is a more encouraging tendency to spread in the 7th section. The endorsement of the initiativ and referendum is particularly good. Placing the tariff in the hands of a nonpartisan committee would also be a good thing, if the committee would keep the interests of the masses in mind more than congress does. There are several other good things in this section, but they are all overshadowed in the platform by the six liquor sections. My attitude toward this issue is one of great interest and sympathy; but I don't think this is the best way to get at it. It is largely a local question, and can be dealt with successfully only by strong local sentiment. I think the best way to reduce (when not possible to entirely abolish) the evils of the drink traffic, is to take the profit out of it, as is done in Scandinavia; but the prohibitionists won't have anything to do with any plan that does not contemplate the total abolition of manufacture and sale. I do not think there is much good in alcohol in medicin, and as a beverage it is a monstrous evil. But as it does not seem possible to abolish it, I would prefer some practicable plan to reduce the evil, as by the Scandinavian system, than to eternally talk about abolishing it, but really accomplishing nothing, or nearly nothing.

The Medical World

C. F. TAYLOR, M.D., Editor and Publisher

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Philadelphia, Pa. No. 9

Language is a growth rather than a creation. The growth of our vocabulary is seen in the vast increase in the size of our diction. aries during the past century. This growth is not only in amount, but among other elements of growth the written forms of words are becoming simpler and more uniform. For example, compare Eng lish spelling of a centnry or two centuries ago with that of to-day! It is our duty to encourage and advance the movement toward simple, uniform and rational spelling. See the recommendations of the Philological Society of London, and of the American Philological Association, and list of amended spellings, publisht in the Century Dictionary (following the letter z) and also in the Standard Dictionary, Webster's Dictionary, and other authoritativ works on language. The tendency is to drop silent letters in some of the most flagrant instances, as ugh from though, etc., change ed to t in most places where so pronounced (where it does not affect the preceding sound), etc.

The National Educational Association, consisting of ten thousand teachers, recommends the following:

"At a meeting of the Board of Directors of the National Educational Association held in Washington, D. C., July 7, 1898, the action of the Department of Superintendence was approved, and the list of words with simplified spelling adopted for use in all pub lications of the National Educational Association as follows:

securing the general adoption of the suggested amendments IRVING SHEPARD, Secretary."

We feel it a duty to recognize the above tendency, and to adopt it in a reasonable degree. We are also disposed to add enuf (enough) to the above list, and to conservativly adopt the follow ing rule recommended by the American Philological Association: Drop final "e" in such words as "definite," "infinite," "favorite," etc., when the preceding vowel is short. Thus, spell" opposit,' preterit," "hypocrit," "requisit," etc. When the preceding vowel is long, as in "polite," "finite," unite," etc., retain present forms unchanged. We simply wish to do our duty in aiding to simplify and ration alize our universal instrument-language.

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Our Most Prosperous Year.

As we said last month, our fiscal year ends on the 30th of June of each year. Last month we gave some general statements concerning the showing of our books at the end of the fiscal year. We have since analyzed the figures and compared them with former years, and find to our great gratification that the year just closed was the most prosperous in our history. Last year, for the first time in our history, our subscription returns exceeded our advertising returns, but the excess was slight. That the subscription returns of a $1 magazine should even approach the advertising returns was considered remarkable by other journalists last year. While the excess of subscription returns over advertising returns last year was slight, this year the excess is very substantial. This was not brought about by a reduction in advertising returns, for our advertising returns increased 9.8 percent. Our subscription returns show an increase of 23.37 percent over the previous year. And the previous year (ending June 30, 1903) showed a tremendous gain over the year before that (ending June 30, 1902).

All this is very gratifying and encouraging to us, for it shows that the medical profession appreciates and supports a journal that fights its battles, and that stands true to its interests. We have always stood for the interests of the profession more broadly than any other publication, but it is only in recent years that we have seen our way to boldly expose definit evils that have been imposing upon the profession, some of them for years. Please realize that these are not easy nor pleasant things to do; and the only possible inducement that would lead me into such uninviting fields is,

that it is for the service and glory of the medical profession. As other medical journalists have not come to my (nor the profession's) aid in this work, I suppose I will have to continue it alone; and this I propose to do even if alor.e.

In taking this course I have taken tremendous business risks-greater than any other medical journalist has ever taken. Our course toward the Medical Brief, the chief of the almanac journals, has estranged from us the advertising of the entire Lawrence list, consisting of celerina, aletris cordial, Kennedy's pinus canadensis, sanmetto, seng, cactina pillets, chionia, Peacock's bromids, neurilla, respiton, etc., and preparations closely related to the Lawrence interests, as bromidia, iodia, papine, ecthol, and others (good preparations, every one of them, pharmaceutically, our only objection being the way that they are pushtalmanac style, and the almanac posing deceptivly as a medical journal-an "independent" one at that); the information that we have given the profession concerning the acetanilid mixtures has probably estranged all this advertising from us-but as antikamnia is now going directly to the general public so vigorously, as we have recently seen, it should no longer be accepted by medical journals; also, we have refused many pages of speculativ advertising, which other journals have accepted, presumably with profit to them-whatever the results to their readers; also, we constantly decline un ethical and more or less doubtful advertising, as opium habit cures, etc. But in spite of all this, our advertising receipts for the year just past showed an increase of nearly 10 percent over the year previous. So while it requires courage to do things that others are too timid to do, and it involves sacrifice and great business risk, yet in the eternal round of justice it usually pays to do these things, if they are right, if they ought to be done, and if it is one's duty to do them.

While we have constantly felt that we have been working for the true and lasting interests of the profession, we know now that the profession realizes this, and that the profession is with us. We also feel that the best advertisers know that the profession is with us, and hence that it will pay for them to advertise in our pages.

The Beginning of the School Year for
Children.

The beginning of a school year is quite an event in the life of a child. It is indeed a greater event than is realized by the child or its parents, in too many instances. It means a sudden change in the habits of life which falls almost as a blow upon many of even the more

robust children. A boy or girl accustomed to working or playing all day in the open air, with opportunity for the ingestion of well cookt meals and abundant encouragement to take the time to do them justice, is suddenly transferred to a poorly ventilated room, and compelled to sit thru the day without exercise, until at the noon hour he bolts his cold food (in rural districts) midst the excitement of getting ready for play. It is an astonishing commentary on the intelligence of the American school teacher, parent, and school director that they are now compelling the child to do without the recess dear in olden days. The boys or girls are condemned to their seats from nine till twelve, and from one to four each day. It is not hygienic, and it is not right. Many of the stronger children show the effects on their health very soon after the opening of school.

We are not speaking of those sections where they have well lighted and ventilated rooms; where physical exercise is conceded to be almost as important as mental gymnastics; where a wise system of medical inspection is enforced; in short, where intelligence rules in the conduct and control of the school room; but such places are the exception, and are prominent because of their rarity. The condition we describe is the condition maintaining in most of the schools thruout our nation. Is it much wonder that the child which has been a little under par all summer soon becomes actually ill after the opening of school? A little mal-nutrition and nervousness has all the encouragement and deficient vitality required to develop chronic dyspepsia, pronounced errors of refraction in the eyes, chorea, constipation, migrain, etc. You are,

"Am I my brother's keeper?'' yes, you. Medical men understand these conditions, and they are the only ones to whom the children can look for relief. The parents are careless; few of them ever cross the threshold of the school room from the beginning of the term until its end. The teachers are ignorant; they do not realize that they are robbing the child of its rights when they dispense with the recess in the afternoon and in the morning session. Every school board should have a medical man or woman as one of its members, or, at least, should have a physician who is constituted their medical adviser. Such a one should see that the children are properly seated so that they can have the advantage of the light without being compelled to struggle against a glare in the eyes; and if light is deficient, provision should be made for getting it; the haze of chalk dust filling most schoolrooms should be banisht by using proper chalk and erasers; good ventilation without drafts is

another important essential; and when the cold weather comes, proper provision should be made so that the room may be perfectly heated in all its parts. Probably the most benighted school board would not object to fumigating the books if an esteemed physician suggested to them the advisability of so doing, and told them how easy and inexpensiv it would be to do it. Many children will endure the worst conditions toucht upon above thruout the coming months. Is it possible that any practician will allow his own children to endure them without a word of protest or effort at betterment of the conditions? Then, if he realizes the enormity of the offenses practised in the name of education, let him do something to ameliorate the state of affairs. If he has no children of his own, in the name of humanity, let him do some act to help the children of others. It is too soon to hope for systematic medical inspection of all schools, but if medical men gave evidence of favoring it, it would hasten the good work. Do something now for the children in your district this coming season.

Something New.

Every variety of plaint and query, trouble and worry, resolve and regret, make rendezvous upon our desk; and perennial among them is the plea for "something new!" Tho this longing is as old as the world's history, there is something pathetic in hearing of it so often, and from so many different sources and localities. To the experienced editor, this demand speaks volumes; and not all of it is creditable to the profession, taken on an average. It tells, to speak plainly, of several things; one of which is an ignorance of the facts and truths of our science which should be in possession of every practician of medicin. It tells of a dissatisfaction with existing conditions, which is discouraging to those interested in the welfare and advancement of the profession. It tells of a lack of study of the medical literature of the day, as represented by good medical journals and standard textbooks. It tells, indeed, of something lacking, but that something" is rarely "something new."

This tendency has been fostered by the extravagant claims put out for new remedies and compounds before they have been thoroly tested by extended use thru a considerable period of time. Why the practician prefers to learn (?) from interested parties regarding the reputed and unestablisht properties of a drug or compound, instead of from a reputable and conservativ source of authority, we do not know. The fact is that any drug or compound that is really new, is speedily put to the test in

the physiological laboratories of the various medical colleges and commercial houses, and its theoretical value is quickly ascertained. If it has inherent virtue, the able specialists are only too glad to give the benefit of their investigations to the profession as speedily as they can get it into print. If it be a proprietary remedy, or if its composition be held secret, it is quickly analyzed so that its approximate formula is soon known. Those who hold proprietorship of preparations of known value freely give the names of the ingredients entering into their compositions. Thus it is that no remedy can escape a rigid scrutiny at the hands of a large army of investigators, whether it be a new chemical, or a a new combination of old chemicals, or an old combination of well known chemicals newly disguised.

Reputable medical journals and good modern text-books are always glad to note and comment upon anything really new, and to furnish from time to time the results of the investigations as soon as they become of practical value, and this is the class of journals and books which furnish the practician with the only safe and satisfactory guidance. There is a class of publications which pander to this demand, and furnish their readers with little else but the flotsam and jetsam from a restless tide of ignorance; and the physician who blindly follows their advice will find that what he has pickt up is but rotten rigging and decayed or unseasoned timber. Such a craft has an awkward way of going to pieces with those who have allowed themselves to be lured too easily, and they also find their chart defectiv and their rudder deficient.

The man who knows all there is of existing medicin may spend his time in the search for "something new"; but he who has not so far advanced would better stick well to what has been tried and tested, and allow those whose business it is to keep watch for something new, and who have nothing else to do but keep such watch, to inform us when "new" matters really loom upon the horizon. The man who becomes habituated to trying all the new things of which he hears, becomes valueless as a practician of medicin. He loses his grasp on therapeutics; he falls back in diagnosis, for his wonderful new drug tempts him to be superficial in examination; he is weak in practise, for he has forgotten how to meet suddenly shifting emergencies in his zeal for his new and mysterious favorit which he does not yet understand and which he has not mastered completely. Hold fast to that which is well proven, and only abandon it when amply satisfied that something new possesses decided advantages over the old.