of medicin in the acquirement of a knowledge of those principles upon which modern hygienic practises are based, and to aid physicians and health officers in familiarizing themselves with the advances made in hygiene and sanitation in recent years. The rapid strides made in our knowledge of the entire subject has rendered such a book, reflecting the more recent discoveries, a necessity to physicians and students of medicin.

A Text-Book of Materia Medica: Including Laboratory Exercises in the Histologic and Chemic Examinations of Drugs. For Pharmaceutic and Medical Schools, and for Home Study. By Robert A. Hatcher, Ph.G., M.D., Instructor in Pharmacology in Cornell University Medical School of New York City; and Torald Sollmann, M. D., Assistant Professor in Pharmacology and Materia Medica in the Medical Department of the Western Reserve University of Cleveland. 12mo. volume of about 400 pages, illustrated. Philadelphia, New York, London: W. B. Saunders & Co., 1904. Flexible leather, $2.00 net.

Part I comprises a guide to the study of crude drugs, both official and unofficial; while in Parts II and III the histologic and chemic examinations of drugs are considered in a scientific, yet clear and simple manner. All the histologic descriptions are supplemented by laboratory exercises of important drugs, so that the student becomes insensibly acquainted with their construction. Thruout the entire work general stress is laid on the recognition of adulterations.

Pathological Technique. A Practical Manual for Workers in Pathological Histology and Bacteriology, including Directions for the Performance of Autopsies and for Clinical Diagnosis by Laboratory Methods. By F. B. Mallory, M.D., Associate Professor of Pathology, and J. H. Wright, M.D., Instructor in Pathology, Harvard University Medical School. Third edition, revised and enlarged. Octavo, 469 pages, with 140 illustrations. Philadelphia, New York, London: W. B. Saunders & Co., 1904. Cloth, $3.00 net.

The value of this book as a laboratory and postmortem guide remains undisputed. In subjecting this book to thoro revision, the authors have kept in view the needs of the laboratory worker, whether student, practician, or pathologist, for a practical manual of modern methods in the study of pathological material.

The Practical Application of the Röntgen Rays in Therapeutics and Diagnosis. By William Allen Pusey, A.M., M.D., Professor of Dermatology in the University of Illinois; and Eugene W. Caldwell, B.S., Director of the Edward N. Gibbs Memorial X-Ray Laboratory of the University and Bellevue Hospital Medical College, New York. Second edition, thoroly revised and enlarged. Handsome octavo volume of 690 pages, with 195 illustrations, including four colored plates. Philadelphia, New York, London: W. B. Saunders & Co., 1904. Cloth, $5.00 net; Sheep or Half Morocco, $6.00 net.

This work has attained the distinction of two large editions in one year -a proof not only that such a work was needed, but also of the book's practical value. The vast amount of literature accumulated during the past year has been carefully digested, and the latest knowledge and advancements incorporated. A practical feature of the work lies in the fact that nearly all the illustrations represent actual clinical subjects, showing the benefits of the X-rays at various stages of their application.

A Text-Book of Pathology. By Joseph McFarland, M.D., Professor of Pathology and Bacteriology in the MedicoChirurgical College of Philadelphia: Pathologist to the MedicoChirurgical Hospital, Philadelphia. Handsome octavo volume of 818 pages, with 350 illustrations, a number in colors. Philadelphia, New York, London: W. B. Saunders & Co., 1904. Cloth, $5.00 net; Sheep or Half Morocco, $6.00 net.

It was with anticipations of pleasure that the reviewer began reading this work on Pathology, and he can truthfully say that his expectations were more than fulfilled. There are a number of illustrations in colors, printed directly in the text. Dr. McFarland's thirteen years' experience as a teacher of this subject, besides his extensiv personal research in the laboratory, has fitted him to write a text-book on pathology. Unlike most works on pathology, the subject is treated, not from the professor's point of view, but from that of the

student, the many difficult theories of the science being explained in clear, concise language.

Physician versus Bacteriologist. By Prof. Dr. 0. Rosenbach, of Berlin. Authorized translation from the German by Dr. Achilles Rose. Publisht by Funk & Wagnalls Company, New York and London, 1904. Price, $1.50.

Tastefully bound in green cloth with gold title. Contains 455 pages and an index. The title is suggestiv, and the reading will be styled revolutionary by ultra-scientists. The author admits the value of bacteriology, but asserts that it has done nothing which gives it the right to direct the efforts of the real fighters of disease. He says he is writing "to restore the rights of the general practician, which have been encroacht upon by a morbid proliferation of specialism and a one-sided organo-therapy.' He" aims to overthrow the fallacious conclusions that have been establisht, that all infectious diseases are caused by bacteria, and that all diseases in which socalled specific bacteria are found are infectious diseases." He decries the too great attention given to organo-therapy and bacteriology, while admitting their value in cer tain limitations. He rarely becomes radical, and he is not bigoted. It is entertaining reading, and the author has the ability to make his reader think. One will not scoff after its perusal, and he may find his horizon considerably widened.-A. L. R.

A Text-Book of Alkaloidal Therapeutics; being a condenst resumé of all available literature on the subject of the activ principles, added to the personal experience of the authors, W. F. Waugh, M.D., and W. C. Abbott, M.D., with the collaboration of E. M. Epstein, M.D. Publisht by The Clinic Publishing Company, Chicago, Ill. Price, $2.50.

Contains 378 pages, with numerous blank pages for therapeutic notes. It will be treasured by all who are devoted to alkaloidal medication, since it contains much information never before gathered in a single volume. It embodies the very latest in information regarding the activ principles. King and Ellingwood seem to be the favorit therapeutical authors of eminence who are quoted. It will not supply all the therapeutical needs of the medical man, but it will be a valuable adjunct to any library, however many authors on therapeutics may have place therein. One author states that he has employed sodium succinate for twenty years as a remedy for gall-stones, and that he has had but two failures. In making a statement regarding any drug, the authority for the statement is cited right in the body of the subject matter, so that no time is lost in looking up references. It is decidedly out of the usual rut as contrasted with any other book on the subject of therapeutics. One hundred and fifty remedies are discust, embracing all the important alkaloids and concentrations, resinoids, etc. It has been the aim of the authors to give concerning all such remedies all the information available that would likely be of interest or help to the general prac tician.-A. L. R.

OUR MONTHLY TALK

We are in the midst of a presidential campaignthat is, according to the calendar. But would you know it in any other way? Did you ever see such a total lack of interest in the dominant parties at this date (Sept. 12) in a presidential campaign? The reason is very plain. There are really no issues between the two dominant parties. When it takes a microscope to tell the difference between the two platforms, and when the candidates on both sides are respectable, decent men, what's the use to bother? Then is when the people are pretty sure to leave well enuf alone." Why not, when there is nothing to be gained by a change.

This is a condition that gives the minor parties a chance. Nobody seems to be afraid of "throwing his vote away" this year, as there is no serious issuenone at all that an ordinary person can see-between the dominant parties. The prohibitionists ought not

to find it hard, this year, to win the wavering brother who has always here-to-fore had to stick to his old party in order to "save the country." The socialists ought, for the same reason, to find it easier this year than usual to land the votes of their mechanic friends (they are usually mechanics). And the populists ought to cut a wide swath among the Bryan democrats, and win back their million and a half votes, and each voter ought to bring one or two more with him. The million and a half populist voters voted for Bryan twice, earnestly and in good faith, and during eight years they have been disseminating the principles of populism among the rank and file of the democrats, and this year that work ought to bring forth some results. In fact, there is little this year to hold voters to their old party affiliations, and this is fortunate, for it is better that voters should think outside their old party ruts, and freely follow their convictions.

Can Mr. Bryan hold his six and a half million votes and deliver them to Mr. Parker and to Mr. Parker's Wall Street and Standard Oil friends? Not if they read the Springfield platform (see August WORLD), or hear Tom Watson speak. I hope that every WORLD reader will turn to the August WORLD and read all the platforms again. My attention has been called to the fact that I did not print the socialist platform, and I have been requested to do so, in the spirit of fair play. One reason that I did not do so, is that there are two socialist parties: one the social-democratic party, or the real socialist party, and the other the socalled socialist-labor party, which is a faction. The other reason is that the platform of the real socialist party-the Debs party-is too long; but near the end of the platform the "immediate interests" are massed together in a condenst and quotable form, which I will present here:

To the end that the workers may seize every possible advantage that may strengthen them to gain complete control of the powers of government, and thereby the sooner establish the co-opoperativ commonwealth, the socialist party pledges itself to watch and work, in both the economic and the political struggle, for each successiv immediate interest of the working class; for shortened days of labor and increases of wages; for the insurance of the workers against accident, sickness, and lack of employment; for pensions for aged and exhausted workers; for the public ownership of the means of transportation, communication, and exchange; for the graduated taxation of incomes, inheritances, franchises, and land values, the proceeds to be applied to the public employment and improvement of the conditions of the workers; for the complete education of children, and their freedom from the workshop; for the prevention of the use of the military against labor in the settlement of strikes; for the free administration of justice; for popular government, including initiativ, referendum, proportional representation, equal suffrage of men and women, municipal home rule, and the recall of officers by their constituents; and for every gain or advantage for the workers that may be wrested from the capitalist system, and that may relieve the suffering and strengthen the hands of labor. We lay upon every man elected to any executiv or legislativ office the first duty of striving to procure whatever is for the workers' most immediate interest, and for whatever will lessen the economic and political powers of the capitalist, and increase the like powers of the worker.

This is the first time the socialists have become rational in their pronunciamentos. They usually prate about some far-away Utopia. They want to jump into heaven with a single leap-and that is not the way heaven is gained. The social organism is one which changes slowly-if the changes are to become permanent. Rapid changes are dangerous, and are likely to be temporary. It requires time for each part to become adjusted to changed conditions. Revolutions are like violent diseases; they leave the patient (the social organism) in a reduced and weakened condition; while evolution is like steady growth, leading to constant improvement and development. But partisanism is like stagnation; it doesn't want to propose a new measure for fear that it may lose some offices. We are not ready for socialism, but it is no harm to study it. We don't want any more stagnation, so we would better learn to think and act independent of our party, particularly if it be a party without progressiv principles; if it be opposed to postal savings banks, government telegraph, government control, and perhaps ownership and operation, of the railroads, taxes on large incomes and millionaire inheritances, etc. A

To the questions suggested last month, to be askt of all candidates for Congress, should be added these: 1. Do you favor, and will you vote for, if opportunity presents, a national income tax?

2. Do you favor, and will you vote for, if opportunity presents, a graded national inheritance tax?

During the civil war and for some time after we had a national income tax, and many said that this was the easiest tax to pay, for if one didn't have the income he didn't have to pay the tax-the income being cash, while many had valuable property upon which it was frequently difficult to pay the taxes, because property, tho valuable, is frequently unproductiv.

During our civil war, and also during our war with Spain, we had a national inheritance tax. The last one was graded, and I think the former one was, also. Inheritance duties should always be graded, the percentage increasing with the amount of the estate or the inheritance. Small incomes and small inheritances should be free from tax, because even a small taxation on a small income or inheritance might be-would be -a greater hardship than a proportionately larger tax on a large income or inheritance. All the leading nations, except ours, have graded income and inheritance taxes, and these two sources supply a substantial part of the national revenue. With us, after our civil war the income and inheritance taxes were repealed along with the other distinctiv "wai taxes," and after our Spanish war the same thing was done with the inheritance tax law passed at the beginning of that war.

It is a mistake to consider these taxes war taxes," or extraordinary in any way. The piling up of immense fortunes is going on all the time in this country, and frequently by questionable means (witness the "Frenzied Finance" articles running in Everybody's Magazine). The rich, instead of paying their rightful share of taxes, largely escape it. A tax on incomes would be a good way to make things more even during life, and at the death of the very rich the opportunity should be taken to "even up" with the general public-the government which makes vast accumulations possible. For example, if we had a law forbidding any individual from transmitting by will any more than one million dollars, any excess going to the national government, it would put a limit on greed, and stop the production of multimillionaires. Would that be unjust? What right has any man to more than a million dollars, particularly after he is dead?

The Tax Reform League of Pennsylvania (Pittsburg, Pa.) sends out literature from which I quote the following:

The auditor general's report of the State of Pennsylvania shows that the farmers and home owners pay $16.50 in taxes in each $1,000 in value, while the steam railroads pay but $2.75; the street railways but $4.75; the telegraph and telephone companies pay but $3.20.

Reflect over this. Most of the great fortunes in this country have been made in corporations of various sorts. Inheritance taxes on large estates would help to even things up.

Allow me to to quote the following from a letter received from Dr. C. M. Spalding, of Narberth, Pa.:

MY DEAR DOCTOR-I have been reading your September number and reviewing the August number of your splendid magazine, and find myself so pregnant with its pleasant and profitable recollections that I have got to tell you about it. I took those three platforms and compared them plank by plank, and find the republican and democrat platforms

so near alike that it would take a micro-
scope to distinguish the difference; but the
populist platform in every plank speaks for
the interests of the people, while both of the
other platforms are ambiguous, wordy and
hypnotic as to the true dangers of our Repub-
lic.

I believe we ought to vote and work as
patriots for the welfare of our country, and not
as partisans led by the nose for the selfish
interests of the manipulators. When I think of
the great injustice of present conditions, I
wonder if "God has forgotten the world," and
hope we may live long enuf to sing the song of
faith: "God has remembered the world."

No, God has not forgotten the world. He has given us a good world, and He has been particularly good to this country-too good, in fact, for if we were not so wealthy-if we felt the pinch more-we would turn our attention more to our larger interests, and we would uproot many evils which we now tolerate. God has done His part well, and He continues to do it every day, month and year; but we do not do our duty. God does not run our politics for us. If He did, we would become too dependent, and lose the conditions necessary for making character, and the opportunity and privilege of doing our part ourselves. The people of New Zealand have learned this lesson better than any other people that ever existed. Shall we learn what they have done, and how they have done it, and then see if we can apply the principles there developt and proven, to our conditions and needs?

带

A Southern brother sees, or thinks he sees, the dreaded race problem in the republican platform. I do not think it is an issue in this campaign, and I hope that the campaign will never come in which it will be an issue. I know of no issue so much to be dreaded as this. Wherever it is even considered, it paralyzes efforts toward economic reform. Wherever it has appeared, it has overshadowed all other questions like an enveloping cloud. confess that I do not know what this problem will ultimately lead to, for it is getting larger and more puzzling every day. If I had the President's appointing power, I would appoint no negro to office unless the community immediately concerned would wish such an appointment. I would say, give a negro postmaster or other appointiv officeholder (if competent) to any community wishing the same, but I would not wish to force a negro officeholder upon any community. Wouldn't that be fair? If negroes would object, the laconic answer, "this is a white man's country," might be appropriate; but the following reply would be better: I would say to any complaining colored brother, "Government is the most important and the most difficult problem of civilization. Our own race has been climbing the rugged steep of government for many centuries, and our present civilization is the result of many strivings, many hardships, much blood and treasure, the deepest study, and the most earnest effort. The finding of the most suitable policies and putting them into operation has occupied the best minds of the white race, and it still has much to do in this direction. After all this, is it reasonable that the white race should surrender any appreciable part of its own government to a race that has not been out of bondage two generations?" Presented thus, our position will appeal to the reason of any fairminded and reasonable negro and satisfy him; particularly if he is brought to realize that he is sharing the fruits of the civilization that the white race has labored so long in building up. Let us rest the race question there.

I am surprised to find a long editorial in the Philadelphia Public Ledger (a Belmont paper) for September 12, deploring the apathy in the democratic campaign, and mentioning the "dissatisfaction and discontentment" among a large portion of the democratic papers. Here is one sentence:

Even to the unprejudiced, non-partisan observer of the situation

there seems to be reasonable ground for the dissatisfaction exhibited by Judge Parker's journalistic supporters.

Further on, speaking of the independent voters, the editorial ends as follows:

But they need an inspiring message from him. They demand that the issues should be clearly, forcefully discust, whether it will be better to continue the republican party in power for another term, or to make the change to democratic control. That is the most sentient question of this campaign, and Judge Parker has thus far failed to present it to the country. But he yet has time to do it. Two months must pass before the issues, great and small, are to be decided at the polls. That issue is the chief of all, and if the common apathy is to be dispelled, Judge Parker must say and do something that will awaken the high conscience and intelligence of his countrymen-say and do something which will arouse the interest and concern of the independent voters.

The same issue of the Ledger contains President Roosevelt's letter of acceptance. Roosevelt is not a coward. He strikes direct. He opens his letter in this way:

It is difficult to find out from the utterances of our opponents what are the real issues upon which they propose to wage this campaign. It is not unfair to say that, having abandoned most of the principles upon which they have insisted during the last eight years, they now seem at a loss, both as to what it is that they really believe, and as to how firmly they shall assert their belief in anything. In fact, it is doubtful if they venture resolutely to press a single issue; as soon as they raise one they shrink from it ard seek to explain it away. Such an attitude is the probable inevit able result of the effort to improvise convictions; for when thus improvised, it is natural that they should be held in a tentativ

manner.

The fact is, the democratic party gave up its convic tions at St. Louis, and became virtually a second republican party, just as the bolters in 1896 and 1900 became McKinley republicans. A disgusted progressiv democrat at the St. Louis convention said,

Now that we have given up our principles and gone over to republican principles, we might as well nominate Roosevelt, and make his election unanimous." There was much reason and logic in that remark. How can the democratic hosts be expected to enthuse for Parker when there is nothing to enthuse for? However, many of them will vote mechanically for Parker, and many of the disgusted ones will vote for Roosevelt, just as the conservativ and corporation democrats voted twice for McKinley. But the bold and patriotic progressiv democrats who still have some of the fire and vim of 1896 and 1900 will refuse to be captured by the convention that was controlled by Belmont and his Wall street crowd, with profuse use of money during many months before the convention; they will try to find a place where they can vote their sentiments; and if they will read the Springfield platform in August WORLD, pages 365 and 366, they will find some things to think about that are not found in the other platforms. About three million progressiv democrats and citizens of all parties ought to support, by their votes, the principles there-in presented. If this is done, these questions will be taken up right away for serious discussion by the leading men and papers of all parties. The danger is that the parties will be after the three million votes, and dishonestly claim that they have favored those principles all the time, adopt the principles to catch the votes, and then abandon the principles. Let us strive for the principles until enacted into law, whatever may become of any party.

容

A gentleman, who has been a resident in New Zealand for sixteen years, and whom I had the pleasure of meeting in New York a couple of years ago, now writes me from New Zealand: "We are here almost absolutely free from the terrible economic evils which afflict nearly all other countries-and the United States almost as much as the old and crowded countries of Europe."

How is that for a good report? It is a result of democracy-a true kind of democracy. Why don't we have that kind of democracy here? Is it because we don't know enuf? If that's all the trouble, we can soon fix that. "The Story of New Zealand" tells all about it. There should be a copy of it in every public library, and in every community that has no public library. Sample pages free. Send to WORLD office.

of paralysis developing, but in rendering milder the less serious forms when they develop.

The most common ill effects following the use of diphtheria antitoxin are various forms of cutaneous rashes. Park observed them in 3 percent, Stanley in over 25 percent, and Villy in 35.2 percent of cases. The rashes have been classified as: (1) erythematous, (2) scarlatiniform, (3) morbilliform, and (4) urticarial. They are all due to a tendency to vascular dilatation and escape of serum thru the blood vessel walls into the tissues. Out of 112 cases recorded by Stanley, 58 were simple erythema, the date of appearance being from the fourth to the twenty-fourth day, the average date being the twelfth day. The scarlatiniform variety was observed in six of Stanley's 112 cases, and the average date of appearance was the fifth day. This was followed by desquamation, and Leiner observed that the infection started at the point of injection, and that beside being followed by desquamation, it was contagious and protected from true scarlatina; he therefore concludes that it was a true scarlatina. Leiner's cases may have been true scarlatina of the surgical variety, but it is by no means establisht that all cases of scarlatiniform rash following the use of antitoxin are examples of true scarlatina, and it is probable that a scarlatiniform rash developing after the use of antitoxin is in most cases, due to the injection alone. The morbilliform variety was observed in less than 3 percent of the 112 cases, and resembled measles, the distinguishing feature being that the eruption appears first on the limbs, and not on the face, as in true measles. The urticarial is the commonest form of rash, being observed in 30 of Stanley's 112 cases; the average date of appearance is the ninth day. It may be transient, or persist for several weeks.

Pain in the joints is a common sequel of the use of antitoxin; it is not generally severe, but Villy saw one case where the child could not bear the weight of the bedclothes. He saw it in varying grades of severity in 6.5 percent of his cases.

Albuminuria occasionally follows the use of antitoxin, but it has no permanency nor significance; true nephritis, indeed, being benefited temporarily by the use of the antitoxin. Suppression of urin for some hours has been noted in a few cases.

It is well to know these things, not that we may fear antitoxin, but that we may meet emergencies intelligently when they arise.

In swollen glands, try a dram of ichthyol to an ounce of ointment of potassium iodid. Rub a piece of the salve about the size of a pea well into the gland twice a day. Give syrup of the iodid of iron in full doses internally.

The Kidney of Pregnancy, and Acute and Chronic Nephritis during Pregnancy. Altho it is impossible to state with exactness the number of pregnant women who suffer from kidney disorders, it is probable that a much larger number develop pathological nephritic conditions than is generally supposed. In the examination of seventy preg nant women taken at random Fischer found that fifty-eight suffered from the kidney of pregnancy (" Prager med. Wochens.," 1892, No. 17). We know that there is a change in the kidney structure of pregnant women, but the cause of such change is yet one of the mysteries of medicin. About six percent of all pregnant woman show albumin in the urin, but a vastly larger proportion have organic change in the kidneys, as shown by postmortem examinations. The primiparous woman most apt to develop albuminuria, which in many cases runs a mild subacute course and terminates with the pregnancy. In other instances the albuminuria becomes more pronounced and increases in the later months until serious disturbance of the general health is manifest; the progress of pregnancy may be interrupted, or eclampsia may develop. In severe cases the fetus is affected, and placental apoplexies are common. If the woman become uremic, the fetus is poisoned also, and if delivered alive generally succumbs within a few hours. If the condition develop slowly the prognosis is more favorable for both mother and child than if the onslaught is sudden.

Either acute or chronic nephritis may make its appearance at any time during gestation; either may have been operativ prior to conception. In case either occur, the prognosis is graver than in the non-pregnant state because of the extra work thrown upon the maternal kidneys. The disease in either form is more rapid and virulent for the same reason. Very slight causes are often sufficient to induce an attack of acute nephritis in pregnancy: exposure to cold, wetting of the feet, even full gratification of an inordinate appetite, have all been sufficient.

Because of the prognosis, it is important to differentiate the kidney of pregnancy from a true nephritis. The treatment is of minor importance in the milder cases, since both nephritis and the kidney of pregnancy require identical treatment. If the condition become grave, and artificial termination of the pregnancy is considered, the differential diagnosis becomes most important. If nephritis existed prior to conception, well markt symptoms develop early in gestation; if no symptoms are noted before the sixth month, it may usually be assumed that the condition probably ex