Apparently, time and again the poorer people did not especially benefit from Allende, and yet they voted for him on the assumption that he would be good for them. Mr. ZION. When you say "on the assumption that he would be good for them," what sort of promises did he make to get this type of support? Mr. SULLIVAN. I read some of the speeches from his files, and also his biography, et cetera, and he had sponsored in the late 1930's and late 1940's some exceptionally good legislation covering health care and education. He had written some good legislation to protect the natural resources of Chile, and based on this, many people probably felt that he would be good for them. He also indicated that he would try to distribute the wealth a little better. Mr. ZION. This distribution of the wealth is something that we heard previously. Did he also promise price control, or a rollback on prices? Mr. SULLIVAN. I never found anything of that nature in any of the documents that I took from his personal property. I saw plenty of evidence that he distributed the wealth in his own pocket. There was evidence of illicit taking of funds, much of it in cash by Allende personally. Mr. ZION. I regret that we have to conclude our hearing at this point. I will request of the members that the record be kept open so that counsel may continue to question the witness. Mr. CRANDALL. While you were in Chile, did you observe whether or not the judicial system, particularly the courts, was in operation? Mr. SULLIVAN. The courts were never impeded. They functioned as usual. Mr. CRANDALL. Also, would you please address yourself to what you observed with regard to the distribution and adequacy of the food supply? Mr. SULLIVAN. Well, having seen the photos of food lines on the newsreel on our own television here, during the days of Allende, I was staggered, and in fact a whole section of the finished film is devoted to the abundance of food. Chile is not a country that uses much fertilizer, and yet the abundance of food, fruits and vegetables, fish and meat, was staggering. I went many mornings very early down to the market just to see this abundance, because it was such a glorious sight to see. I filmed this extensively. Food was expensive, but there was such an abundance that it did not seem possible that just a few weeks before, maybe a month or so before, maybe 2 months, there was no food at all. Mr. CRANDALL. Would you address yourself to what you observed with regard to the communications system-we will say the distribution of mail and the like? Mr. SULLIVAN. Chileans are surprising in that they are great readers. Chile has its own incredible publishing industry down there with more magazines and more subjects, larger in size and greater diversity than we have here, far greater. This was flourishing at full pace. As far as the distribution of mail was concerned, at Christmastime, special bins were placed in the post offices, and I mailed all of my Christmas cards from Santiago at Christmastime. The post offices were jammed to the gills, and the bins were overflowing, and there was a tremendous movement in that direction. Mr. CRANDALL. What is your impression concerning the Chilean people with regard to their commitment to restoring the country to Chile? Mr. SULLIVAN. Very, very positive, and I was very pleased to see that. During the couple of weeks that I was there, I was out every day from early in the morning until curfew time, meeting Chileans and seeing them at work and at play, and at school. One thing struck me, and it seemed inconceivable to me that a man who had known the Chilean people for as many years as Allende, could possibly conceive of communizing them. Secondly, even though many of them had been seriously financially hurt during the Allende years, there was a very widespread willingness to work toward reconstructing. The subway system is being worked on again after being idle for 3 years. The housing for the poor, which had stopped almost completely under Allende, is being worked on again. The Pan-American Highway, which is partly constructed through Chile, had not been worked on in the Santiago area to take the traffic down to the south of Chile, and is now being worked on at great pace. Symbolic, and quite important in the life of the Chilean people is the reconstruction of La Moneda, which was shockingly damaged during the coup, because it was such an armed camp. This is their pride and joy, and they are restoring that to the way it looked prior to September 11. Though it is costing money in great quantities, it seemed to me that there was great pride among the Chilanos that this was going to be put back in the order it should be, and be made again the seat of government. Mr. CRANDALL. Now, did this extend throughout Chile, particularly with regard to the rural areas, as well as the urban areas? Mr. SULLIVAN. I did photograph some farmers. They would come in in the most bizarre collection of vehicles you ever did see. Old cars that are far older than me, and cars that would be worth thousands of dollars on the antique market are their daily means of transpor tation. They are really very happy. In fact, the market sequence in the finished film is shown without any narration whatsoever, because it speaks for itself. It is just a joyous kind of central market, and it is a sight to behold. Mr. CRANDALL. In internal upheavals such as took place in Chile, nearly always humanitarian factors occur. Would you please comment on the refugee problem there, and on actions being taken to solve it? Mr. SULLIVAN. This, again, was a matter of concern to me, to know what was happening to people, who might have been subject to maltreatment because of their Allende roles. I asked what the policy was and learned that if people had been guilty of high crimes, and misdemeanors, if you will, had been involved in the clandestine army, had resisted the regular army on the day of the coup, or were in possession of weaponry, et cetera, they would be imprisoned and would face charges under the criminal code governing this kind of conduct. Eight thousand Allende supporters were given safe-conducts, which included whole families, and they have gone to various parts of Latin America or of the world. Many of them are in the United States. I know of one member of Allende's personal guard who is living in New Jersey and working in a gas station. Also Allende's secretary is on the staff of Stanford University. It seems to me that by and large, most of them are still at their jobs down there, and doing what they always did. But those who wanted to go, unless they faced charges, have gone wherever they wished to go. Mr. CRANDALL. I have no further questions. Do you want to make any additional comments before we terminate the testimony? Mr. SULLIVAN. No, I think that this just about covers it. Mr. CRANDALL. We thank you very much, Mr. Sullivan. It has been very interesting. [Whereupon, at 12:15 p.m., Wednesday, March 13, 1974, the hearing was adjourned, subject to call of the chair.] APPENDIX A EXHIBIT No. 1 Translation of Prepared Statement by Carlos Sepúlveda, In times of controversy, when certain events are viewed from opposite angles, direct contacts between persons are extremely constructive since they allow a better appreciation concerning the extent to which the international community is dedicated to the cult of truth. With this purpose, and as President of the National Association of Journalists of Chile, I wish to clarify the present political situation of my country, and the reasons behind it. 1. The country is ruled today by a Junta made up of the Commanders in Chief of the Armed Forces, and the Director General of Carabineros (National Police). They came into power with a military proclamation on September 11, 1973, and it was not a coup d'etat brought about by an uncontrollable thirst for power. Few armed forces have ever given a better example than the Chilean of subordination to the political Constitution of the State, respect for the law, and professional dedication to obedience to the powers of the State. 2. They reached the historic decision of rebelling, because he who was then the Chief of State had repeatedly trampled the political Constitution, violated the law and abused the two other branches of the State. He had dragged the nation to a course of violence, hatred, anarchy, ruin, and to a deep rift between an immense majority which demanded rectification, and a sectarian, inflamed minority which was bent on imposing a 1. (25.99) |