11 "I see that you are now taken up in the delicate question of the dialogue with the Christian Democrats in a serious atmosphere created by the brutal assassination of your Naval Aide de Camp and of the new truck owners' strike. I can therefore quite well imagine the great tension that exists and your desire to gain time to improve the relationship of forces in case a battle breaks out and, if possible, to find a way to allow the revolutionary process to continue without civil strife, while protecting your historic responsibility for what might occur. These are laudable goals. But if the other side, whose real intentions we are not in a position to evaluate from here, should insist upon a treacherous and irresponsible policy that would exact an impossible price from Unidad Popular and the revolution, which is in itself quite likely, do not for one minute forget the formidable strength of the Chilean working classes and the strong support they have always offered you in your difficult moments. If you should call upon them because the revolution is in danger, they can paralyse those that threaten to overthrow the Government, preserve the loyalty of those who hesitate, and impose their conditions and decide once and for all, if necessary, on the future of Chile. The enemy should know that the working class is forewarned and ready for action. Their force and combativeness can tip de balance in the capital in your favour, even though other circumstances might be unfavourable. "Your determination to defend the process strongly and with the greatest honour possible, even if it means risking your own life, will draw to your side all the forces able to fight and all the worth-while men and women in Chile. Your courage, your serenity and your daring in this historic moment of your country and, above all, your strong resolve and heroic leadership, hold the key to the situation. "Let Carlos and Manuel know how your loyal Cuban friends can help you. "Once again I send you the affection and unlimited confidence of the Cuban people. Fraternally, Fidel Castro." Now I wonder do we need any more barefaced proof of intervention in Chilean political life? Can there be any doubt regarding the origin of the political directives and the support for illegality? I do not need to take up any more time of the representatives here by describing the recent and absurd Cuban attempt to accuse Chile in the Security Council. It can only be explained as a futile and desperate attempt to cover up the seriousness of their intervention in the internal affairs of my country. Chile, in line with the tradition that it has always followed, reserves the right to turn to the appropriate international organizations if and when necessary. - On the basis of the fact that we can maintain normal relations only with those countries which respect us, we also severed relations with the People's and Democratic Republic of Korea after we were able to prove that there had been intervention in our internal affairs and an involvement of that country's diplomatic representatives in the training of guerrillas in Chile. 12 On the other hand, we wish to maintain diplomatic relations with all countries of the world, irrespective of their ideology, political, social or economic systems. We believe that the diversity of governments has nothing whatever to do with relations among States. Ideological pluralism is and will be another element of our foreign policy. For these reasons we regret that certain Governments to which we had expressed Chile's desire to maintain relations on a normal basis have nevertheless decided to break off such relations with a curious uniformity and under the most varied and false pretences. We have asked ourselves: What has happened to the principle of so-called ideological pluralism, so often vaunted and exalted by those Governments? In the future they will have to take the initiative of resuming diplomatic relations with Chile, since they were the ones that have also, with surprising uniformity, stressed the fact that those ties are merely suspended. They will find no opposition on our part so long as our future relations can be based upon mutual respect and non-intervention in our internal and external affairs. We are particularly interested in strengthening our ties with the Latin American countries. United as we are by a common origin, we face a common destiny, and to achieve it we must work together. I should like to take advantage of this opportunity to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your well-deserved election. My country feels deep affection and respect for yours, and our history has always been closely linked to that of Ecuador. For many years we have learned to appreciate your intelligent, active work in international affairs. Today these qualifications and this experience guarantee the success of your difficult task as President of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly. Imbued by that Latin American spirit, we shall fully support all the regional and subregional integration procedures that involve Chile, such as the Latin American Free Trade Association and the Agreement for Andean Subregional Integration. We also support and second the Special Latin American Co-ordinating Commis sion (CECLA) as a basically Latin American forum where our countries can analyse and adopt unified positions on matters of particular interest and concern to them. The Chilean Government wishes emphatically to repeat its support of the principle of permanent sovereignty over natural resources of the earth, the sea, the ocean floor and the subsoil thereof for the economic development and welfare of the people. We also press most firmly for the right of nations freely and independently to dispose of their own natural resources. We unreservedly support all the principles, agreements and resolutions adopted within the framework of the United Nations and within the sphere of the regional and subregional Latin American organ izations that deal with this important subject. We thoroughly support the efforts of the developing countries to gain approval for a charter of economic rights and duties of States that, once implemented, would establish the basic economic and social principles to govern the international community in these matters. This initiative of the President of Mexico has our wholehearted support. Within the rythm and dynamics that rule international economic relations, foreign investments must be in harmony with the goals and programmes established by the host Government and must also reflect the welfare of that Government and that country. And, just as we do not accept political imperialism, so with the same emphasis do we reject economic imperialism, whether it comes from States or from great transnational corporations. In the United Nations, Chile will fight against any form of colonialism or neo-colonialism. As some have mistakenly believed, that policy was no innovation by the Government of the Unidad Popular. This has been the traditional policy of my country for many years. It is the result of a deeply rooted feeling in our country's traditions. The economic independence of developing countries has been, is and always will be one of the fundamental goals of Chilean foreign policy. I wish to reiterate to representatives my Government's commitment to non-alignment, a position that reflects the aspirations of all countries which like Chile are fighting to obtain for our peoples true economic and political independence. - Within the strange tangle of falsehoods that have been spread abroad as a result of the events of 11 September, news has been circulated that Chile would return all refugees from political, racial or religious persecution to their countries of origin. From the very outset I have reassured the Secretary-General of the United Nations and I do so again from this rostrum that such refugees who are in Chile legally and have not been implicated in any crime are fully protected; but others who are expelled will not be returned to their countries of origin but will be allowed to choose their destination. After very pleasant discussions with the Regional Representative for Latin America of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees we have reached a general and mutually satisfactory agreement. We stated that we will accept his help when it comes to practical solutions that might affect refugees who have decided to seek Chilean hospitality. The international negotiations regarding the law of the sea have proceeded to their decisive phase. The current session of the General Assembly will have to decide on a date for the already planned world conference of plenipotentiaries. Chile was and continues to be a supporter of this international negotiation, a process to which we attach the greatest importance. The future of the seas and the oceans that cover more than two-thirds of the earth's surface is extremely important economically, politically and even militarily. New legal provisions are being established, progressively developed and furthered; internationally accepted rules are being updated to conform with the economic, technical and political realities of today. This new law should clearly cover economic development. It should set up an international régime for the sea-bed and the ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction that would give adequate expression to the fact that they are the common heritage of mankind. In treaty form it will have to express the natural right of the coastal States to dispose of the resources of their adjacent oceans, specifically of the 200-mile zones which have an essentially economic meaning a theory which is being supported by so many nations today. The statement of the representative of Chile has been lengthy and I must apologize for that. But I felt in duty bound to give a broad outline of the foreign policy of my Government and also to go into some detail regarding the events that took place in my country last month. I understand fully the interest that these events have aroused in the world, even in countries very distant from my own, countries which are relatively unfamiliar with our idiosyncrasies, our traditions, and the vigour of our people. There is no doubt that the so-called "Chilean experience" of a transition toward socialism, aroused the curiosity and perhaps even the sympathy and warmth of many countries who saw in this example of the socalled Popular Unity, a path worthy of imitation or at least of assimilation. But it is one thing to assess a foreign experience from afar, seated in comfortable armchairs or in discussion around a well-served table, and it is quite another thing to experience it. Contrary to what the Chilean people themselves believed at first, it was no evolution or social progress that was taking place in Chile. There was simply a power machine being set up by which, through the use of legal loopholes at first, and later through open and outright illegality, the country was being led to tyranny and consolidated totalitarianism. The Chilean people did not deserve to pay such a "high cost of revolution", as some came to call the loss of lives, suffering discrimination, hunger and sectarianism brought about by the Unidad Popular. Worse still, my country, on the border of financial and economic bankruptcy, plagued by misery and divided into irreconcilable camps, was on the verge of falling into complete chaos and into a dissolution of the very essence of the nation. In a supreme effort, and after having exhausted every legal possibility, my country has been able to avoid the most cruel and brutal of civil wars and set its feet on the road to national reconstruction. None of this could escape the uncommitted foreigners who live in Chile, and much less the displomatic representatives of friendly nations who looked on impartially but with agony, while the country disintegrated. Politicians and ideologists outside the country must have had another view. I remind them of the words of Bossuet: "The worst aberration of the mind consists of seeing things as they would like them to be and not as they are". Chile has now taken a different road. The new Government will not retreat by one step from the victories won by the workers, or from its policy of absolute national independence. We will wholeheartedly defend the interests of Chile in the face of any kind of imperialism. But it is not easy to rebuild out of so much rubble and debris. Nevertheless, we trust fully in the aid of divine providence and we know that, thanks to the spirit of sacrifice and patriotism of every good Chilean, there will be no difficulty that we cannot or will not overcome. The dear and painful experience we have suffered has left us something positive. We now know the lurking poison behind deceiving mirages. Suffering has brought the Chileans together, overcoming the selfishness of the powerful and the hate to which even the weakest was led to feel. The country will not forget the lesson that has allowed it to recover self-confidence. Once again it has been proved that in the spirit of Chile there flames still the fire of those who created a free and independent nation, embodying in its history what Ercilla sang of our strong indigenous race: a nation never "mastered by foreign yoke". APPENDIX C [Translation] A REPORT ON DRUG TRADE (COCAINE AND HEROIN) TO CLANDESTINE MARKETS OF THE GOVERNMENT OF SALVADOR ALLENDE SUBMITTED TO THE COMMITTEE ON INTERNAL SECURITY OF THE U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES BY RAFAEL OTERO May 1974 The participation of persons directly associated with the political leaders handling Salvador Allende's presidential candidacy has been in the media since 1969 and was practically proven in 1970 and 1971. Still no political or judicial action could be carried out on account of the open protection which since mid-1970 the then Senator Allende was giving to those involved, and due to the official protection which from the beginning of November of the same year officials of the new Marxist government were giving to producers and dope peddlers. For a better understanding of the situation I wish to divide this report into the following subsections: 1. The Processing of Cocaine in Chile 2. 3. 4. Distribution to the United States via Mexico or Directly to the United States via Mexico and Its Exchange for 5. The Financing of Guerrilla Activities in Latin America-- Officials Enjoying President Allende's Personal Trust |