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Allow them to trample upon you, ride rough-shod over you, and then thank God that you still have some life left? The people are told to be contented, but I think contentment may be carried too far.

I heard a man once who had been taught to be contented with his lot, and finally became very poor and traded off his coat for a loaf of bread. Before he had a chance to eat the bread, a dog came along and snatched it away from him. He felt a little indignant at first, but finally that ment came back to him, and as he watched the dog turn around a corner in the road carrying the bread away, he said: "Well, thank God, I still have my appetite left."

feeling of content

Now, there are some people who seem to think we ought to be satisfied with anything. My friends the American people are entitled to the best that there is. The American people are entitled to the best system on every subject. I believe when these questions are presented to the American people. they will select and secure the best system. I do not believe it necessary for us to sit down quietly and permit a great aggregation of wealth to strangle every competitor. I do not believe that it is in accordance with our dignity as a people, or in accordance with the rights of the people to say, that because a great corporation is organized, therefore, it should be permitted to go into the field of a rival, undersell it until it bankrupts it, raising the money by higher prices somewhere else. I don't think it necessary for us to do that.

I have only suggested a plan. It may not be the best plan. If you have anything better, propose it. If there is any amendment that you can think of

that will improve it, suggest it. I am anxious to apply a remedy.

Let me suggest one other thing that I believe will be a step in the right direction. The great trouble has been that, while our platforms denounce corporations, corporations control the elections and place the men who are elected to enfore the law under obligations to them.

Let me propose a remedy-not a remedy, but a step in the right direction. (Let the laws, state and national, make it a penal offence for any corporation to contribute to the campaign fund of any political party. Nebraska has such a law, passed two years ago. Tennessee has such a law, passed two years ago. Such a measure was introduced in the state of New York, but so far it has not become a law.

You remember the testimony taken before a senate committee a few years ago, when the head of the sugar trust testified that the sugar trust made it its business to contribute to campaign funds, and when asked to which one it contributed, replied that it depended upon circumstances.

"To which fund do you contribute in Massachusetts?" was asked. "To the republican fund." "To which fund in New York?" "To the democratic fund." "To which fund in New Jersey?" and the man replied, "Well, I will have to look at the books, that is a doubtful state.

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Now, that is almost a literal reproduction of the testimony of one great corporation on the subject of campaign contribution. I don't mean to say that that remedy will be a complete one, but I believe that when you prevent a corporation from contributing to campaign funds you will make it easier

to secure remedial legislation, because some corporations are compelled to contribute; they are blackmailed into contributions, and such a law would protect a corporation that did not want to contribute, and also prevent a corporation from contributing that did want to contribute.

If the people are in earnest they can destroy monopoly, and you never can do anything in this country until the people are in earnest. When the American people understand what the monopoly question means, I believe there will be no power, political, financial or otherwise, to prevent the people from taking possession of every branch of government, from president to the supreme court, and making the government responsive to the people's will.

CHAPTER VIII.

NATIONAL SILVER REPUBLICANS.

The first national convention of the National Silver Republican Party was held at Kansas City, Mo., July 4, 1900. Twenty-four states and territories were represented, especially large delegations being seated from Kansas, Nebraska, Minnesota, Iowa and Colorado. Other states represented were Arkansas, California, Illinois, Indiana, Indian Territory, Idaho, Michigan, Montana, Missouri, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, New Jersey, North Dakota, Pennsylvania, South Dakota, Texas, Utah and West Virginia.

Chairman Charles A. Towne called the meeting to order at 12 o'clock; prayer was offered by Rev. Dr. Bigelow, of Cincinnati, after which Stanley E. Parkhill, of Minnesota, read the Declaration of Independence; a poem entitled "The Liberty Bell" was delivered by Dr. Howard S. Taylor, of Chicago. Chairman Towne delivered a short address congratulating the party upon the large attendance of delegates, and dwelling especially upon the growth of the party since the organization was effected four years ago.

He then introduced Senator Henry M. Teller, of Colorado, as the temporary chairman of the convention. Every delegate jumped to his feet and shouted his approval. Mr. Towne presented Senator Teller with a gavel made from wood taken from the old Lincoln home at Springfield, Ill, which was given to the convention by

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Lincoln Dubois, of Illinois. Senator Teller spoke in part as follows:

"Grave questions are presented to the American people for their consideration and determination in the coming campaign. Questions of foreign and domestic policies growing out of or incident to the last Spanish war have especially attracted the attention of the people during the last two years, and will continue to do so. Questions new to us and involving much to others as well as ourselves cannot be readily disposed of, but great as these questions are, they must not and will not be allowed to obscure the great and still unsettled question, 'What shall be the financial system of the republic?'

"I say still unsettled question, because no great economic question can be settled until it is settled in a way to do justice to all. We do not believe the action of a republican administration in establishing the gold standard, with a carefully prepared plan to destroy the greenbacks, treasury notes, silver certificates and silver dollars, and to turn over to the national banks the issue of all paper money that the commercial needs of the people may demand, meets with the approbation of the people. The people believe that gold and silver coins are the money of the constitution, and that if paper money is to be issued it should bear the stamp of the government and have back of it the wealth and power of the nation, and not that of a private corporation.

"The republican party is now declaring that it kept all the promises made at St. Louis by establishing the gold standard. It did not promise at St. Louis to establish the gold standard; if it had done so it would not now be in power. It promised to maintain the then existing gold standard, a very different thing from the present gold standard. The party has not kept its promise and has not made good its pledges as to the financial system of the country. On the contrary, it has done what its opponents declared it would do and its supporters declared it would not do.

"The republican party has thrown off the mask and no longer pretends to favor even international bimetallism. It is well that it should do so, for the pledge of 1896 was made to secure votes, as was frankly admitted by leading Republicans as soon as the campaign was over. The speakers at Philadelphia, in nominating their candidates, gloried in the gold standard, and claimed as one of their great achievements the destruction of silver as money.

"The republican party boasts of its financial system that makes gold the standard of value, as calculated to promote business cnterprises and maintain stability of prices and financial conditions, and yet the secretary of the treasury has found it necessary to put more than $100,000,000 of the public money collected from the people in the national banks of the country, to be used by the banks without interest. Surely a system that must be bolstered up by the government of the United States by deposits of its funds cannot be a satisfactory system. The administration justifies such use of the public moneys by declaring that such deposits must be made to sustain prices and prevent a panic.

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