"Do not attempt to trade off the vote of little New Jersey, that never failed to give its electoral vote, and take the experiment of some state out west that has always given its vote to the republican ticket. I tell you that no matter who your candidate may be in this convention, with possibly one exception, your populist friends, upon whom you are relying for support in the west and south, will nominate their own ticket, and your silver forces will be divided. Mark the prediction which I make.

"Some one says 'No.' Who are authorized to speak for the populist party here in a democratic convention? I saw upon this platform the other day an array of them, giving countenance and support to this movement, men who never voted a democratic ticket in their lives, and never expect to. They have organized this party. They are the men who attempted to proscribe democrats all over this union. They are the men who were crying against us in the days that tried men's souls-during the war.

"My friends, I thus speak more in sorrow than in anger. You know what this platform means to the east. You must realize the result. But, calamitous as it may be to us, it will be more calamitous to you if, after all, taking these risks, you do not win this fight. My friends, we want the democratic party to succeed. We want to build it up. We do not want to tear it down. We want our principles-the good old principles of Jefferson, Jackson, of Tilden, of hard money, of safe money. We want no greenback currency on our plates. We want no paper currency whatever. We want to stand by the principles under which we have won during the history of this country, and made it what it is. If we keep in the good old paths of the party, we can win. If we depart from them we shall lose."

CHAPTER XIV.

THE PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATION.

There occurred the most exciting moments of the convention after Mr. Bryan had concluded his speech. The delegates were impressed by his manner and the tide in his favor was augmented. The voting upon the majority and minority reports on the platform began and, while the existing administration was not censured, it was not endorsed, though resolutions had been offered to both effects. The immediate result was the adoption in its entirety of the platform. The main issue up to this time. in the history of the convention was now practically decided. The real struggle between the candidates had begun.

It was evident from the time of the wild demonstration at the conclusion of Bryan's speech that the complexion of affairs had changed and that a new and formidable candidate was fairly in the field. No sooner had the convention adjourned than active work began on the part of his friends, and the fact soon became generally recognized that the contest laid practically between him and Bland. At the subsequent short session when the nominating speeches were made he was placed formally in the field.

Balloting began immediately upon the assembling of

the convention at ten o'clock in the morning of July 10th. The Bryan boom had survived the night, and it redoubled its force with the opening of the convention. Every candidate except the Nebraska man had lost strength.

Permanent Chairman White, of California, called the convention to order, and not long thereafter gave way to Congressman Richardson. W. F. Harrity presented Robert E. Pattison, of Pennsylvania, and the chairman of the Oregon delegation nominated Sylvester Pennoyer. Then the roll call began. Alabama voted twenty-two for Boies without attracting much attention, and the call proceeded without discussion until Michigan was reached, when Stevenson, Don Dickinson's partner, who led the fight for gold in that state, challenged the announcement of five for Bland, seven for Bryan and four for Boies. The roll of the state was called, and he declined to vote. So did nine others. The vote was finally announced as first read.

At the call for New Jersey Allen McDermott, the chairman of the delegation, announced that the state would not vote. A man in the Indiana delegation rose and shouted: "Those fellows are republicans and ought to be turned out." Ex-Governor Flower's announcement that New York would not vote was hissed, and cries of "Throw them out!" arose from the galleries.

The first difficulty of the ballot occurred when Wisconsin was reached. General Bragg, chairman of the delegation, announced that Wisconsin would not vote. This announcement called forth a protest from certain silver members of the delegation. General Bragg insisted that Wisconsin was under the unit rule, and that he had correctly reported the sentiments of the delega

tion. The silver delegates demanded a call of the state. It showed five men voting. The more radical silver men were for declaring that under the unit rule these five could swing the entire vote of the state. The chairman effected a compromise by deciding that the five votes only should be recorded. Colorado voted for Teller. The vote stood: Bland, 223; Bryan, 135; Boies, 86; McLean, 54; Blackburn, 83; Matthews, 37; Pattison, 95; Tillman, 17; Pennoyer, 10; Teller, 8; Stevenson, 2; Campbell, 2; Russell, 2; Hill, 1; not voting, 185.

On the next ballot Alabama changed from Boies to Bland and the Bland men received the announcement with wild cheers. Massachusetts seven votes (50 the delegation), the rest not voting. New York made no sign, Tillman threw his strength to Bryan. On this ballot, as well as on those which followed, New York was the only state in which no votes were cast. The result of the second ballot was: Bland, 281; Bryan, 197; Pattison, 100; Blackburn, 41; Boies, 37; McLean, 53; Matthews, 34; Pennoyer, 8; not voting, 160. Bryan and Bland had gained almost equally, but Bryan's advance had been at a much larger ratio.

On the third ballot Colorado deserted Teller for Bryan, and Oregon gave him five votes. Bland rose to 291, Bryan to 219. The pressure was telling. The crowd grew turbulent when the fourth ballot was called. Everybody knew it was the beginning of the end. Bryan men swarmed over the seats and surrounded the Illinois delegation, shouting and gesticulating. Governor Altgeld was pulled from his chair. But Illinois was still for Bland. Alabama, which missed the opportunity of placing him in nomination, turned twenty-two votes fo

Bryan.

California gave twelve more.

Idaho left, the

Kansas gave

Bland column and voted six for Bryan. him twenty. Minnesota gave him ten. Nevada gave him six, which had been for McLean. Oregon gave him eight. At the end of the roll call he had 280 votes to 241 for Bland. The race was all but over.

When Illinois was reached there was great excitement. Secretary of State, white with rage, rushed down the center aisle and asked permission for the Illinois delegation to withdraw for consultation. The delegates trooped out to an ante-room and were besieged in the passage by Bryan and Bland men. "For God's sake, stand by Mr. Bland," begged an Arkansas delegate, clutching the governor by the arm. Altgeld's face was white as death. The delegation had no sooner disappeared from sight than their angry voices could be heard above the roar of the convention. Presently Ohio also left the hall. It was amid the most deafening roar of voices and trampling of feet that the roll call for the fifth ballot was begun.

Kentucky deserted Blackburn and went to Bryan. Four votes from Maine, five from Maryland and six from Massachusetts were swept in by the cyclone. When Tennessee gave twenty-four votes and Virginia the same number to the victor the standards were torn from the floor and centered around the Nebraska delegates. Still Illinois did not report; the roll call was almost over before the delegates came out. The clerk demanded the vote and Illinois cast her forty-eight votes for Bryan. The hall shook under the cheers. All order was at an end. Delegates and audience arose to their feet.

At this time John R. McLean mounted his chair and