be used a single moment further, and this convention should pro ceed to nominate a candidate from some of those who have been named.

"In justice to me, in justice to them, in justice to the party, in justice to the ordinary procedure of this convention, it is unfair to me to place me in this position without my consent.'

As Mr. Hill left the platform, he was cheered to the echo. When Georgia was called, Mr. Hutchinson, of that state, seconded the nomination of Stevenson, as did James Kennedy, of Connecticut. Idaho gave way to Washington, and W. H. Dunphy placed in nomination Hon. James Hamilton Lewis, of Washington.

Indiana gave way to Virginia, and Congressman William A. Jones seconded the nomination of Stevenson. Iowa seconded the nomination of Stevenson from the floor, Chairman Sells of that delegation contenting himself with the simple announcement.

Delegate A. Leo Knott, of Maryland, formerly assistant postmaster-general, presented the name of Governor John Walter Smith, of Maryland. When Massachusetts was called, George Fred Williams took the platform, and in a ringing speech, seconded the nomination of Charles A. Towne. Speeches seconding the nomination of Stevenson were made by Senator Money, of Mississippi; exGovernor Stone, of Missouri; W. H. Sowden, of Pennsylvania; Jonathan Lane, of Texas; J. W. St. Clair, of West Virginia; Mayor Rose, of Milwaukee, and others. At this juncture Ohio put in nomination the name of Hon. A. W. Patrick, of the Buckeye state. His name was presented by M. A. Daugherty. Notwithstanding

the speech of Mr. Hill, of New York, positively declining the nomination for the vice-presidency, a number of speeches were made seconding his name. Delegate Daly, of New Jersey, made a long speech in favor of the

"Sage of Wolfred Roost," as did delegates from North Dakota, Tennessee and Hawaii.

S. M. Gates, of North Carolina, presented the name of Col. Julian Carr from his state.

In the meanwhile the convention became impatient over the long list of seconding speeches and the endless flow of oratory, and frequent calls of "time" had the effect of cutting short a great many of the speeches. "Vote, vote," came from all parts of the hall, and after Wisconsin from the floor had seconded Stevenson, the secretary was directed to call the roll of states on the first ballot. Before this was done, J. Hamilton Lewis, of Washington, got up and announced his withdrawal from the race. His was the last speech before the rollcall, and he was loudly cheered.

The start did not bear out the claims of the Stevenson men that the south would be solid for the Illinois man, for Alabama only gave him three out of its twentytwo votes. Hill received the remainder, and his followers in New York and New Jersey shouted their approval. The first loud cheering came when Illinois cast fortyeight votes for her favorite son. From then on there was a steady flow of announcements for the Illinois man. Indiana, except two that were for Towne; Iowa, Kansas, and all but two from Maine, trooped along for Stevenson, with only an interruption when Louisiana cast her sixteen for Hill.

Maryland cast sixteen votes for J. Walter Smith, and then Massachusetts came forward with something all around. Hill got thirteen, Towne six, and Stevenson six. Minnesota cast her full eighteen votes for Towne. This was offset by Mississippi, casting an equal number of votes for Stevenson.

Missouri had a divided vote, of which Stevenson

received the heavy end, twenty-three; Hill, six; Towne, three; Danforth, one; Governor Hogg, of Texas, one. This division of votes was immediately dubbed "The Missouri Compromise." New Jersey cast twenty votes for Hill, followed immediately by the Empire state with seventy-two more. There was a demonstration at these announcements.

Then came a long list of states that added heavily to the Stevenson column. Pennsylvania cast sixty-four for the Illinois man. Tennessee, which went solid for Hill, was the only break in the Stevenson list that included Rhode Island, Utah, Vermont, Virginia. Washington left Lewis to go for Towne, then along came the Stevenson troopers again with West Virginia, Wisconsin (except three for Towne), Wyoming, Alaska, and five out of Arizona's six; Hawaii closed the list by casting six votes for Hill.

When the roll-call was completed, a mad rush took place for the Stevenson band wagon. Tennessee led off by shifting her twenty votes from Hill to Stevenson. Alabama and Washington made changes, and then New York came into the fold. The last change was a signal for a tearing up of the state standards all over the hall. Led by Illinois, the state insignia was borne to the front, and a parade started around the hall. There was little cheering, the attention of the delegates being centered on the efforts of the few remaining states to be recorded as unanimously for Stevenson.

The vote of the three leading candidates before any changes were made were as follows: Stevenson, 559%; Hill, 200; Towne, 1221⁄2.

However, amid much confusion, every delegate was in line for Stevenson when the chairman announced the result as a unanimous vote. The usual formal resolution

of thanks to Kansas City and to the officers of the convention were adopted amid the greatest confusion, and at 3:21 p. m., July 6, the National Democratic Convention of 1900 adjourned without date.

CHAPTER II.

DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM FOR 1900.

The following is the full text of the platform adopted at the Democratic National Convention at Kansas City, Mo., July 5, 1900:

We, the representatives of the Democratic party of the United States, assembled in national convention on the anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration of Independence, do reaffirm our faith in that immortal proclamation of the inalienable rights of man, and our allegiance to the constitution framed in harmony therewith by the fathers of the republic. We hold with the United States Supreme Court that the Declaration of Independence is the spirit of our government, of which the constitution is the form and letter.

We declare again that all governments instituted among men derive their just powers from the consent of the governed; that any government not based upon the consent of the governed is a tyranny; and that to impose upon any people a government of force is to substitute the methods of imperialism for those of a republic.

We hold that the constitution follows the flag, and denounce the doctrine that an Executive or Congress, deriving their existence and their powers from the constitution, can exercise lawful authority beyond it or in violation of it.

We assert that no nation can long endure half republic and half empire, and we warn the American people that imperialism abroad will lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home.

Believing in these fundamental principles, we denounce the Porto Rico law, enacted by a Republican Congress against the protest and opposition of the Democratic minority, as a bold and open violation of the nation's organic law and a flagrant breach of the national good faith. It imposes upon the people of Porto Rico a government without their consent and taxation without representation.

It dishonors the American people by repudiating a solemn pledge made in their behalf by the commanding General of our army, which the Porto Ricans welcomed to a peaceful and unresisted occupation of their land. It doomed to poverty and distress a people whose helplessness appeals with peculiar force to our justice and magnanimity.

In this, the first act of its imperialistic program, the Republican