CHAPTER XXIII.

A GOVERNMENT BASED ON FORCE.

BY HON. MARION BUTLER,

UNITED STATES SENATOR FROM NORTH CAROLINA.

The daily reports from the scene of war in the Philippine Islands cannot have failed to cause considerable reflection on the part of even a casual observer of current events. One day the Associated Press reports announce, in great headlines, that "Our Troops Are Steadily Advancing Against the Filipinos;" another day that, "General Otis has the Situation well under Control;" another day that, “General Otis thinks there is no Doubt about his Subjugating the Filipinos after Awhile;" another day that, "There was on Yesterday a Sharp Engagement between our Troops and the Filipinos, we lost Fifty Men, the Fillipinos lost Heavily, but Number Unknown;" another day that, "General Otis is Preparing to Make a more Vigorous Onslaught against the Stubborn Fillipinos." Only a few days ago the announcement was that there had been a very sharp engagement, and that our soldiers fought bravely and sustained the deadly fire of the Filipinos with great courage; that while we lost a hundred or more, the Fillipinos lost much more heavily, etc., etc. This same dispatch contained a list of the killed and wounded. of our men, which made over a column in fine type.

No one has ever doubted the ability of the United States Government to subjugate the Fillipinos; and,

in fact, to kill and bury every one of them if we so desired. If we should conquer such an half-fed, halfclothed, and half-savage people in an hundred different islands, there would be no glory or credit in it for a great civilized government like the United States. The question for the American people to consider is whether or not it is right and best for us to do this thing. First, whether it is right and consistent with the principles upon which this government is founded; and, second, without even regarding the questions of right and morals, whether or not the game is worth the ammunition.

If we had the Philippine Islands, what would we do with them? If we attempt to govern them as a conquered people (a thing that must be repugnant to every American patriot and to every believer in a free government) it will be necessary for us to always keep a large standing army at great expense, ready to shoot down and kill the inhabitants of those islands whenever they evince the least desire for freedom, just as the English were ready to shoot us down in 1776, or to hang any of our leading patriots up by the neck whenever, by tongue or pen, they dared to express the sentiment that we ought to have a free government of our own. It is no answer for us to say that we were better qualified for self-government in 1776 than the Filipinos are now or will ever be. If the Declaration of Independence is true, then the Fillipinos are just as much entitled to a free government as we were, and are entitled to the kind of government which is best suited to them, which government will be the kind that they are capable of forming and maintaining. A people become more capable of self-government as they have the burdens and responsibilities of government thrust upon them,

Besides, we will have to send a large number of office-holders to those islands who would not only draw their salaries from our government, but who would consider it their privilege to plunder and oppress the Fillipinos for their own personal profit and gain. What advantage could come to our people or to our government from this great outlay of money, this corruption in high places, and this course which would result in necessary murder to enforce our decrees? None whatever. There might be a few monopolists in this country who could gobble up some franchises or valuable resources of the islands for their own personal profit, while Uncle Sam and the American people focted the bills and committed the greater crimes necessary for their personal gain. We paid Spain twenty million dollars for a law suit. We have already spent much more than that amount since in trying to establish our claim, which will be worse than a white elephant after we have won it. This is the financial side of the transaction, but the effect that such a course will have upon our own government at home is still more serious and important.

No individual can ever elevate himself and accomplish anything praiseworthy and noble without having a high ideal for his rule of conduct, towards which he is always striving whether he reaches it or not. The same is true of a nation, and vitally true of a Republic. Our forefathers set up in the Declaration of Independence the highest Code of political morals ever promulgated by man. Firmly planted on these great principles as the bed-rock of our faith, this government has grown rich and powerful in the brief time of a century, becoming to be not only a world power but the greatest world power known. While it is true that our government has not always lived up to the

principles of the Declaration of Independence, any more than has the most devout Christian lived up in strict letter to the Ten Commandments, yet the important thing is that the Nation has always held to these principles and striven toward them just as the Christian has always kept before him the Ten Commandments and the Golden Rule as his cloud by day and his pillar of fire by night. Nations and individuals. make mistakes, take false steps; but these are never serious as long as we stand by our ideals and principles, because the mistakes will simply serve as examples and object-lessons to point out dangers and warn us against making other such false steps in the future. But whenever a nation or an individual deliberately disregards its high ideals, and deliberately turns its back upon them all in order to commit a false step, then such a false step is fatal and the individual and the nation taking it is lost.

So the policy upon which the Syndicates and the Monopolists and Franchise-Grabbers have forced this country to embark, in open repudiation of every principle of the Declaration of Independence and of every fundamental principle underlying a free Republic, is fatal to the government unless the people themselves realize the enormity of the crime committed, drive from power their false representatives, and restore the government into the hands of the followers of Jefferson and Lincoln.

CHAPTER XXIV.

A REPUBLIC CAN HAVE NO SUBJECTS.

BY HON. ADLAI E. STEVENSON,

EX-VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

During the century now drawing to a close America has given to the world its best lessons in liberty and in law. Near its beginning to Great Britain-no less than to Spain at its close-it has given a never-to-beforgotten lesson in the dread art of war. The brilliancy of recent victories, the splendid achievements of our arms upon foreign shores and upon distant waters, can not obscure or dim the glory of the triumph of American valor at New Orleans upon the proud day of which this is the anniversary. The 8th of January is one of the sacred days of our calendar.

Each recurring anniversary recalls a bloody struggle which will for all time hold its place in history. Upon that day Jackson, with a handful of militia, with a loss of seven killed and six wounded, defeated and captured the splendidly equipped regulars of the British army. The disgraceful surrender of Hull at Detroit, the wanton destruction by fire of the public buildings at Washington, with all the insults and wrongs which had precipitated the second war with Great Britain, were more than atoned for by the victory we celebrate. It was the last battle of the war; the last fought-the last, I trust in God, that will ever be fought-by England against the United States. The events which inspired, together with the glorious culmination of a struggle forced by a powerful upon a weak nation,