America, as it had been termed, would be a great means, in the marking of the boundaries, of creating future dissensions. He went, at length, into the different interests acquired by the Americans and French, and those left to us on the coast of Newfoundland. The logwood trade, of such vast consequence, left in a state amounting almost to non-entity, employed much of his animadversions. The article of Dunkirk was also to be considered, supposing it even not to be of that importance it formerly was, and of which it might hereafter become to posterity, as strongly accumulating and filling the measure of our disgraces; that what had been for more than a century, the pride of our ancestors to enforce, we should so rashly concede; particularly when we were not in a situation, considering our navy (notwithstanding the learned lord's representation), and the relative resources of our enemies, (for it was observed by an honourable commodore, that the criterion of a nation's resources was her credit, and the rule of that credit, the interest she paid, and according to the honourable commodore, Spain paid most enormous interest, and France was much in the same situation;) considering then those relative circumstances, and the naval situation of Holland, Mr. Sheridan contended, we were so far from being reduced to bear such degrading, such indelible stigmas and impositions, that we were entitled to an honourable peace. The victory of Lord Rodney, the defeat of the enemy at Gibraltar, our successes in the East Indies, were also enumerated to prove, that our situation was respectable; that if we were reduced in resources, our enemies had not increased theirs, but were at least equally exhausted. He could not avoid remarking the artful attempt of the right honourable secretary, to put the first amendment, and the second of the noble lord in the blue riband, on the same event. He took notice of Mr. T. Pitt's description of the loyalists,--the real loyalists, and the viper loyalists; and yet though the honourable gentleman, in the peculiar style of eloquence which so much distinguished him, was very warm in discriminating those characters of the loyalists, and pledged his feelings to give every assistance to the real loyalists; yet, in his address proposed to the throne, the vipers were equally recommended to the royal protection, and the house was equally to be bound for them as for the real loyalists. The honourable gentleman was pointed in reply to the Lord Advocate, on his hints thrown out on Mr. Fox's administration, of peace being in the pocket of certain members of a late administration, &c. Mr. Sheridan said, that he had known his honourable friend's disposition when he came into power, and had the honour of acting with him; and he pledged himself, that, though peace was ardently to be desired, though at any time peace was to be preferred, yet knowing, as he did, the relative circumstances of the powers, he never would have acceded to so dishonourable a peace; and for his own part, he did equally pledge himself, that if his honourable friend was of such a disposition, and during his administration had brought such a peace to conclusion, notwithstanding his friendship and esteem for him, he, as an individual, would have opposed it. It was impossible for language to describe his reprobation of it, or what he felt for the national disgrace; but, he said, the true criterion by which his honourable friend's intentions could be judged, was his correspondence while in office; and he dared ministers to move for its being laid before the house.-(Here a great cry of " Move, move.") He then made some remarks on the coalition of the parties the learned lord had alluded to, and the honey-moon of their loves, which Mr. Sheridan said, if it was the case that there was a coalition, it was rather to be called the wedding-day. Mr. Sheridan then attacked the learned lord on his inconsistency, from his having declared he would support no man whose measures he did not approve. He asked the learned lord, if it was consistency then in him to support the patron of equal representation, to which Mr. Sheridan professed himself a warm friend? Was it consistency to support the independence of America, of which he had ever been so determined an enemy? He put to the Advocate some other questions; and remarked, that there was such a versatility in the politics of some men, that when interest called, every other consideration gave way; and if that was not the case, it was hard to suppose how the learned lord's adoration and highsounding panegyrics of the noble lord in the blue riband, with which the walls of that house were wont to resound, should now be transferred to those connections which had been heretofore so obnoxious to him. He was very severe on the Lord Advocate for his early desertion, and his unfairness of using, in his peculiar situation, recrimination, which at all events could never be allowed as argument. Mr. Pitt spoke in answer to the various arguments that had been adduced against the motion for the address to the throne. He was pointedly severe on the gentleman who had spoken against the address, and particularly on Mr. Sheridan. "No man admired more than he did the abilities of that right honourable gentleman, the elegant sallies of his thought, the gay effusions of his fancy, his dramatic turns, and his epigramatic points; and if they were reserved for a proper stage, they would, no doubt, receive what the honourable gentleman's abilities always did receive, the plaudits of the audience; and it would be his fortune "sui plausu gaudere theatri." But this was not the proper scene for the exhibition of these elegancies: and he, therefore, must beg leave to call the attention of the house to the serious consideration of the very important question then before them." MR. SHERIDAN then rose to an explanation; which having made, he took notice of that particular sort of personality which the right honourable gentleman had thought proper to introduce. He need not comment on it-the propriety, the taste, the gentlemanly point of it, must have been obvious to the house. But, said Mr. Sheridan, let me assure the right honourable gentleman, that I do now, and will at any time, when he chooses to repeat this sort of allusion, meet it with the most sincere good humour. Nay, I will say more, flattered and encouraged by the right honourable gentleman's panegyric on my talents, if ever I again engage in the compositions he alludes to, I may be tempted to an act of presumption, to attempt an improvement on one of Ben Jonson's best characters, the character of the Angry Boy in the Alchymist. At half-past seven o'clock in the morning the house divided; ayes for the amendment 224; noes 208. Majority against ministers 16. A committee was then appointed to draw up the address thus amended. MARCH 3. ARMY ESTIMATES. In the course of the debate, Mr. David Hartley said, that he believed he should move for an address to the King, to withdraw the troops from New York, when MR. SHERIDAN observed, that the evacuation of that place must, he presumed, be the work of time; for he supposed the troops were not to be withdrawn, until America should have fulfilled the conditions relative to the loyalists, viz. that prosecutions should cease; and such loyalists as were in confinement should be released, after the signing of the treaty, which he supposed meant the definite treaty. He said he could venture to declare for those who might be thought likely to come into office, that they had not the most distant idea of renewing the war in America. In consequence of a censure on the peace, passed by a resolution of the house of commons of the 21st of February, the Earl of Shelburne quitted his office of first Commissioner of the Treasury; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer declared publicly to the house, that he only held his place till a successor should be appointed to fill it. A ministerial interregnum ensued, which lasted till the beginning of April: during which time, the kingdom remained in a state of great discord, without any responsible government at home; the finances neglected, the military establishments unreduced, and the negociations with foreign powers, which the critical conjuncture of affairs rendered peculiarly important, entirely at a stand. On the 31st of March, the Earl of Surrey proposed the following resolution: "That a considerable time having now elapsed, without an administration responsible for the conduct of public affairs, the interposition of the house on the present alarming crisis, is become necessary." This motion was afterwards withdrawn: and on the following day, a second negociation (a former one having failed) was opened with the Duke of Portland; and on the 2d of April, a new administration was announced, consisting of the following members :— MEMBERS OF THE CABINET. First Lord of the Treasury-Duke of Portland. Secretary of State for the Home Department-Lord North. Ditto for the Foreign Department-Rt. Hon. Charles James Fox. NOT OF THE CABINET. Lords Commissioners for the custody of the Great Seal-Lord Loughborough, Sir William Henry Ashurst, Sir Beaumont Hotham. Master-General of the Ordnance-Lord Viscount Townshend, Secretary at War--Hon. Richard Fitzpatrick. Paymaster of the Forces-Edmund Burke, Esq. Treasurer of the Navy-Charles Townsend, Esq. Attorney-General-James Wallace, Esq. Solicitor-General-John Lee, Esq. Secretaries to the Treasury-Richard Brinsley Sheridan, Esq. Richard Burke, Esq. Speaker of the House of Lords-Lord Mansfield. Lord Lieutenant of Ireland-Earl of Northington. Secretary to ditto-William Windham, Esq. APRIL 16. LOAN. The Chancellor of the Exchequer brought forward the loan for the service of the current year. The loan borrowed amounted to twelve millions. Eleven bankers, with whom the terms of the loan were settled, had seven hundred thousand pounds each; the remainder was divided amongst the rest of the bankers, the great trading companies, and the clerks of the public offices. The premium, according to the value of the stocks on the day on which the bargain was concluded, was three pounds ten shillings per cent.: but, rising considerably within a few days after, much blume was imputed to the minister, for having made so disadvantageous a bargain for the public. In vindication of himself, he allowed that the premium was certainly much greater than ought to have been given in time of peace; but he begged the house to recollect the circumstances under which he had been obliged to negociate the loan. He had only been ten days in office. The late ministers had left the treasury without a shilling, and the public service admitted of no delay. These circumstances were well known to the moneylenders and they had, doubtless, taken advantage of it; and as the necessity of coming to a conclusion on any terms would, by every day's delay, have been the more urgent, they would certainly have been raised upon him the nearer that period approached.—Mr. Pitt observed, "that a letter signed by four persons of responsibility as monied men, the very four that managed the loan of last year, offering to take the loan on such terms, that those who bid lower must make a bargain for the public exceedingly advantageous indeed, was delivered to the Chancellor of the Exchequer." MR. SHERIDAN stated, that there was no competition of the money-lenders; but that although two or three of the four who had signed the letter alluded to by Mr. Pitt, had been at Lord John Cavendish's house, when his lordship sent them in a proposal of lower terms than those which had ultimately been closed upon, they had not the virtue to accede to them, nor did they endeavour to persuade the rest to do so. The resolution passed the committee, and was ordered to be reported. APRIL 17. MR. ROLLE'S MOTION FOR A COPY OF THE LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS TO THE NEW LOAN. Mr. Frederick Montagu having seconded the motion, MR. SHERIDAN said, he was glad to see the motion seconded from the Treasury bench; if it had not been seconded by any one else, he himself would have done it with a great deal of pleasure; and although it might be imagined, from the situa |