adverted to the advanced state of the session, the uncommonly thin attendance which could be procured even upon subjects in which the minister himself was particularly interested; and declared his reasons for not entering into the general merits of the question at this time, observing however, that it fortunately happened that the present question was of such a nature as to admit of a perfect explanation in a single sentence. The evil complained of by as respectable a body of petitioners as ever had approached the bar of that house was, that certain enormities and inveterate abuses had prevailed, and did prevail, in the administration and government of the royal boroughs in Scotland; and that there existed no competent qualification to check and control these abuses, or to give redress to those who were injured by them. That certain self-elected magistrates and counsellors, assumed a power of levying money upon their fellow-subjects, without authority from law, and of punishing those who withstood them, by a partial and corrupt exercise of an illegal discretion; that those magistrates and counsellors claimed a right to dissipate the public property of their fellow-citizens, and to neglect the duties of their public station, without admitting themselves to be accountable or responsible, in any way, to those whose interests, security, and contentment formed the only pretence for the existence of any power or superiority in those persons; a power and superiority necessarily forfeited the moment those objects were not attended to. The existence of those evils was proved by the petitions, and the want of a remedy by the decisions of the courts of judicature in Scotland, it having been determined, both in the Court of Session, and in the Court of Exchequer, that as the law of Scotland stood, there was no remedy for evils and abuses which both courts admitted to exist and to be productive of the worst consequences to the general interests of the community. Surely then, Mr. Sheridan observed, if there ever was a justifiable ground of application to the legislature of any country, it is when those who are entrusted with the administration of the laws acknowledge the prevalence of some great abuse, and at the same time admit that there exists no legal mode of obtaining a remedy for it. Mr. Sheridan next explained the nature of the remedy proposed, in the bill he wished to submit to their consideration. His object, for the present session, was only to give the members an opportunity of

informing themselves; for which purpose he should be content to have his bill, which he then held in his hand, read a first time and printed. Mr. Sheridan complimented the character, firmness, and moderation of the petitioners, and the abilities and exertions of the gentlemen they had employed to manage their business; concluding with a hope, that forgetting all national distinctions and narrow prejudices, he should find, on the next discussion of the subject, a very general disposition to diffuse principles of civil liberty to that part of the united kingdom which had hitherto partaken in our glory and in our dangers, without sharing the equal blessing of civil liberty, to which England was so much indebted.

He then moved "That leave be given to bring in a bill for correcting the abuses and supplying the defects in the internal government of the royal burghs, and in the manner of accounting for the property, annual revenues, and expenditure of the same."

Mr. Anstruther acknowledged that it was to him a matter of indifference whether the motion for admitting the bill the present session was, or was not agreed to, being convinced that in the present session it could not pass; and that in the next he should have an opportunity of opposing it, if proposed. He observed, that his honourable friend (Mr. Sheridan) always brought the business forward at the close of the session when it was impossible to be passed. His honourable friend had stated no specific grievances; he had confined himself to a general statement of grievances to which he (Mr. Anstruther) entirely objected, being fully convinced that no such grievances existed. With whatever specious appearance his honourable friend brought in the present bill, it went effectually to a change in the election of representatives to serve in parliament. His honourable friend not having gone in detail to support his bill, he should not enter into detail in opposition to it; and the rather, as he did not believe his honourable friend really meant to carry into effect the bill he had moved for leave to bring in. With respect to the accounts of the revenues moved for, he fully agreed with the honourable baronet (Sir James Johnstone) opposite to him, that those accounts might be now demanded by the lord advocate of Scotland, who could insist upon the delivery of them, in the same manner as the attorney-general of England might demand an account to be made out of the revenue of the corporations in England.

Mr. Sheridan answered, that at the close of the last session, no such motion as the present had been offered, but only the petitions had been presented. He had that day stated it to be his intention merely to move for the bill, that it might be in the possession of members during the recess; and having so stated his intention, he had conceived it wholly unnecessary to enter

into the particular detail of the bill. To his honourable friend (Mr. Anstruther) who had mentioned his doubts of the existence of the grievances complained against, he should consider it sufficient to answer, that upwards of nine thousand respectable persons had declared to the house, such evils did exist. He concluded, by quoting the opinion of a judge in support of the declaration of the petitions, which was in substance, for want of a proper regulation in the boroughs, trade was discouraged, religion neglected, and every thing to which the attention of the magistrates ought to be turned, wholly disregarded.

Mr. Pitt observed, that wishing to know the contents of the bill, he was as desirous as any gentleman could be to have the motion carried. If it went to a reform, it would be one reason to induce him to be partial to it; but to the latter part he objected, conceiving the house would be guilty of a violent action in charging the boroughs with abuses, and giving a countenance to an infringement of their charters before such abuses were made to appear. By what he had stated, he meant to urge no obstruction to the bill, but merely to suggest to the honourable gentleman the propriety of adopting some other mode, by committee or otherwise, that might be more consistent with the forms of the house.

Mr. Sheridan answered, that what had fallen from the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Pitt) was perfectly fair and candid. He believed that the right honourable gentleman's objection went only to a few words in the latter part of the motion, in which he saw no novelty or deviation from rule; but to gain the right honourable gentleman's acquiescence, he was willing to alter the motion as the right honourable gentleman had recommended.

Sir James Johnstone objecting to the motion, the house divided; ayes 54 ; noes 00; majority 54.

JUNE 25.

THE INTERLUDE REGULATION BILL.

The speaker having stated to the house that the lords had made several amendments in the bill,

MR. SHERIDAN trusted that he should be able, without trespassing too long upon the patience of the house, to induce them, in consequence of the few remarks which he must beg leave to make, to postpone the consideration of the amendments to the bill in the other house. The noble lords who proposed them seemed not to have been aware of what they were about when they suggested them, or to have at all considered how far they

could be connected with the other parts of the bill. It had gone out of their house (as the Speaker well knew) a bill of general regulation; and it came back in such a state as, he believed, no bill had ever before been returned into that house. The noble personage, whoever he was, that had made the amendments, appeared to be possessed of something like a dramatic mind, and to have converted the bill into a perfect harlequinade, full of theatrical shifts and changes. The preamble of it stated, that "notwithstanding the wholesome regulations, provided by the acts in being, divers persons had exhibited, in certain houses and places licensed, operas, burlettas, pantomimes, musical dramas, and other theatrical and dramatic performances and entertainments, contrary to the true intent and meaning of the said acts, &c. &c." This preamble the noble amender of the bill had preserved, without the alteration of a syllable, although he had inserted in the subsequent pages of the bill, clauses to authorise still more houses to perform pantomimes, musical dramas, and other theatrical or dramatic entertainments. In short, in consequence of the amendments, the whole bill was not only rendered incongruous, inconsistent, and absurd; but as it stood, it went to affect private property to a very considerable amount, and to destroy security that had been established for more than a century, on the sanction of parliamentary faith, in a manner that he was persuaded that house would never consent to; because that house would never do so violent an act of injustice to individuals, as to injure their most essential interests, without affording them an opportunity of being heard by themselves or their counsel in their defence. Just as well might the house consent to a bill being brought in to abrogate and annul any other grant of the crown ;-for instance, if from motives of private pique and personal resentment, a bill should be introduced to take away a certain grant of one shilling duty upon each chaldron of coals brought into the port of London, which was appropriated to the use of a noble individual, every man of liberality would spurn at the uncandid suggestion, and refuse to do an act of such glaring injustice. He therefore had not a doubt but that the house would concur in his motion, "That the consideration of these amendments be postponed to this day three months."

The speaker put the question, which was agreed to unanimously.

DECEMBER 12.

KING'S ILLNESS-REGENCY.

Towards the latter end of October the report of the impaired state of the king's health became a subject of the deepest interest to the nation. On the 24th of that month his Majesty had a levee at St. James's for the purpose of quieting the alarm which the report of his indisposition had spread amongst his people; but upon his return to Windsor his disorder took a new and unfortunate turn, and before the end of the first week in November it was generally known that it had settled into a constant delirium. The Prince of Wales repaired immediately to Windsor, where he was met by the lord chancellor; and they, in concert with the queen, took such measures relative to the domestic affairs of the king, as the necessity of the case required. In the mean time all those who by their rank and situution in the state were required to take a part in so new and unexpected an exigence, assembled in the capital, and an express was dispatched to Mr. Fox, at this time in Italy, to hasten his return. The parliament had been prorogued to the 20th of November; and as the intended commission for a further prorogation had not been issued by the king, its meeting took place upon that day, as a matter of course. The peers and the commons remained in their separate chambers; and the chancellor in the upper, and Mr. Pitt in the lower house, having notified the cause of their assembling without the usual notice and summons, and stated the impropriety of their proceeding under such circumstances to the discussion of any public business whatsoever, both houses resolved unanimously to adjourn for fifteen days. At the same time Mr. Pitt took occasion to observe, that as it would be indispensably necessary in case his Majesty's illness should unhappily continue longer than the period of their adjournment, that the house should take into immediate consideration the means of supplying, so far as they were competent, the want of the royal presence; it was incumbent upon them to insure a full attendance, in order to give every possible weight and solemnity to their proceedings. For this purpose it was ordered, that the house be called over on Thursday, the 4th of December next, and that the speaker do send letters requiring the attendance of every member. Orders to the same effect were made by the lords.

For the purpose of laying some ground for the proceedings of the two houses of parliament, a council was held at Whitehall on the day preceding their meeting, to which all the privy councillors were summoned. Of fifty-four who attended, twenty-four were of the party of opposition. The physicians who had attended his Majesty during his illness were called before them and sworn: after which three questions, which had been previously debated and carried in the council, were put to them severally. The first was, "Whether his Majesty's indisposition rendered him capable of meeting his parliament, and of attending to any sort of public business?" To this they answered, "That certainly he was incapable.” The second was, "What is your opinion of the duration of his Majesty's malady, and of the probability of a cure?" To this they answered, “ That there was a great probability of his recovery; but that it was impossible to limit the time." The third question was, Do you give that opinion from the particular symptoms of his Majesty's disorder, or from your experience in complaints of a similar nature?” To this their general answer was, “ That it was from experience; and having ob