the fair rivaled each other in demonstrations of their gratitude; and this high-wrought, delightful scene, was heightened in its effect by the singular contest between the zeal of the bestowers and the avoidance of the receiver of the honors bestowed. Commencing his administration, what heart is not charmed with the recollection of the pure and wise principles announced by himself, as the basis of his political life! He best understood the indissoluble union between virtue and happiness, between duty and advantage, between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and individual felicity; watching, with an equal and comprehensive eye, over this great assemblage of communities and interests, he laid the foundations of our national policy in the unerring, immutable principles of morality, based on religion, exemplifying the pre-eminence of a free government by all the attributes which win the affections of its citizens, or command the respect of the world.

"O fortunatos nimium, sua si bona norint ! "

Leading through the complicated difficulties produced by previous obligations and conflicting interests, seconded by succeeding Houses of Congress, enlightened and patriotic, he surmounted all original obstruction, and brightened the path of our national felicity..

Pursuing steadfastly his course, he held safe the public happiness, preventing foreign war, and quelling internal discord, till the revolving period of a third election approached, when he executed his interrupted but inextinguishable desire of returning to the humble walks of private life.

The promulgation of his fixed resolution stopped the anxious wishes of an affectionate people from adding a third unanimous testimonial of their unabated confidence in the man so long enthroned in their hearts. When before was affection like this exhibited on earth? Turn over the records of ancient Greece; review the annals of mighty Rome; examine the volumes of modern Europe; you search in vain. America and her Washington only afford the dignified exemplification.

The illustrious personage, called by the national voice in succession to the arduous office of guiding a free people, had new difficulties to encounter. The amicable effort of settling our difficulties with France, begun by Washington, and pursued by his successor in virtue as in station, proving abortive, America took measures of self-defence. No sooner was the public mind roused by a prospect of danger, than every eye was turned to the friend of all, though secluded from public view, and gray in public service. The virtuous veteran, following his plough, received the

unexpected summons with mingled emotions of indignation at the unmeri. ted ill-treatment of his country, and of a determination once more to risk his all in her defence. The annunciation of these feelings, in his affecting letter to the President, accepting the command of the army, concludes his official conduct.

FIRST IN WAR, FIRST IN PEACE AND FIRST IN THE HEARTS OF HIS COUNTRYMEN, he was second to none in the humble and endearing scenes of private life. Pious, just, humane, temperate, and sincere; uniform, dignified and commanding, his example was as edifying to all around him as were the effects of that example lasting.

To his equals he was condescending; to his inferiors kind; and to the dear object of his affections exemplarily tender. Correct throughout, vice shuddered in his presence, and virtue always felt his fostering hand; the purity of his private character gave effulgence to his public virtues.

His last scene comported with the whole tenor of his life; although in extreme pain, not a sigh, not a groan escaped him; and with undisturbed serenity he closed his well-spent life. Such was the man America has lost! Such was the man for whom our nation mourns!

Methinks I see his august image, and hear, falling from his venerable lips, these deep sinking words:

"Cease, sons of America, lamenting our separation; go on and confirm by your wisdom the fruits of our joint counsels, joint efforts, and common dangers. Reverence religion; diffuse knowledge throughout your land; patronize the arts and sciences; let liberty and order be inseparable companions; control party spirit, the bane of free government; observe good faith to and cultivate peace with all nations; shut up every avenue to foreign influence; contract rather than extend national connection; rely on yourselves only; be American in thought and deed. Thus will you give immortality to the Union which was the constant object of my terrestrial labors. Thus will you preserve, undisturbed, to the latest posterity, the felicity of a people to me most dear; and thus will you supply (if my happiness is now aught to you) the only vacancy in the round of pure bliss high Heaven bestows."

GOUVERNEUR MORRIS (1752-1816)

THE ONE-LEGGED STATESMAN

T

HE early period of United States history brought distinction w two men of the name of Morris, especially to Robert Morris, the financier of the Revolution. The second, Gouverneur Morris, while less distinguished, made himself prominent among the statesmen and orators of that era. He began to win credit for oratory in his college career. He became a lawyer in 1771, and in this profession soon gained reputation for unusual eloquence. During the Revolution he was a member of the Continental Congress. In 1780, after he had resumed the practice of the law, he had the misfortune to be thrown from his carriage, and was so injured that the amputation of his leg became necessary, a loss which he bore with remarkable fortitude.

In 1781 he was appointed assistant to Robert Morris in adjusting the finances of the country, and remained his aid for three years. In 1787 he became a member of the Convention that framed the Constitution of the United States, of which, as Madison says, "he was an able, an eloquent, and an active member. The finish given to the style and arrangement of the Constitution fairly belongs to the pen of Mr. Morris." He was sent as Minister to France in 1792, and in 1800 was elected United States Senator from New York. While in Paris, he wore an ordinary wooden leg, in preference to any artistic substitute for his lost limb. It served him well on one occasion during the French Revolution. A mob of fiery revolutionists attacked his carriage in the street, with the fatal cry of " Aristocrat!" Morris coolly thrust his wooden leg out of the window, and cried out : "An aristocrat? Yes; who lost his leg in the cause of American liberty?" This apt reply turned the temper of the mob; they

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cheered the man they had been eager to hang, and the quick-witted American proceeded triumphantly on his way.

THE FREE USE OF THE MISSISSIPPI

[In the opening years of the nineteenth century, when emigrants from the Eastern States were pouring rapidly into the valley of the Mississippi, the freedom of navigation of that great artery of the West became a burning question, and the obsta cles which the Spanish at New Orleans put in the way of free river commerce stirred up the high-spirited pioneers almost to the point of war. In 1802 it was learned that France, by a secret treaty with Spain, had become the owners of the Louisiana territory, and the irritation which had existed in the country deepened into alarm. Napoleon, then First Consul of France, was a different character to deal with than the weak monarch of Spain, and it was impossible to conjecture to what critical conditions his restless ambition might lead. The difficulty was soon to be settled by the diplomacy of Jefferson and his ministers, who purchased the whole vast tract from Napoleon; but it was a burning question on the 24th of February, 1803, when Morris delivered an able and spirited speech, in which he openly advocated war as the only available means of securing the freedom of America's greatest stream. We quote some stirring passages from this lengthy address.]

been a cession of the island Whether the Floridas have

What is the state of things? There has of New Orleans and of Louisiana to France. also been ceded is not yet certain. It has been said, as from authority, and I think it probable. Now, sir, let us note the time and the manner of this cession. It was at or immediately after the treaty of Luneville, at the first moment when France could take up a distant object of attention. But had Spain a right to make this cession without our consent? Gentlemen have taken it for granted that she had. But I deny the position. No nation has a right to give to another a dangerous neighbor without her consent. This is not like the case of private citizens, for there, when a man is injured, he can resort to the tribunals for redress; and yet, even there, to dispose of property to one who is a bad neighbor, is always considered as an act of unkindness. But as between nations, who can redress

themselves only by war, such transfer is in itself an aggression. .

But it is not this transfer alone; there are circumstances, both in the time and in the manner of it, which deserve attention. A gentleman from Maryland, Mr. Wright, has told you, that all treaties ought to be published and proclaimed for the information of other nations. I ask, was this a public treaty? No. Was official notice of it given to the government of this country? Was it announced to the President of the United States, in the usual forms of civility between nations who duly respect each other? It was not. Let gentlemen contradict me if they can. They will say, perhaps, that it was the omission only of a vain and idle ceremony. Ignorance may, indeed, pretend that such communication is an

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empty compliment, which, established without use, may be omitted without offence. But this is not so. If these be ceremonies, they are not vain, but of serious import, and are founded on strong reason. He who means me well, acts without disguise. Had this transaction been intended fairly, it would have been told frankly. But it was secret because it was hostile. The First Consul, in the moment of terminating his differences with you, sought the means of future influence and control. He sought and secured a pivot for that immense lever by which, with potent arm, het means to subvert your civil and political institutions. Thus, the beginning was made in deep hostility. Conceived in such principles, it presaged no good. Its bodings were evil and evil have been its fruits.

[After reviewing the state of Europe under the domination of Napoleon, and the value of the territory bordering on the Mississippi, the speaker proceeds.]

Having now considered in its various relations, the importance of these provinces, the way is open to estimate our chance of obtaining them by negotiation. Let me ask on what ground you mean to treat. Do you expect to persuade? Do you hope to intimidate? If to persuade, what are your means of persuasion? Every gentleman admits the importance of this country. Think you the First Consul, whose capacious mind embraces the globe, is alone ignorant of its value? Is he a child, whom you may win by a rattle to comply with your wishes? Will you, like a nurse, sing to him a lullaby? If you have no hope from fondling attentions and soothing sounds, what have you to offer in exchange? Have you anything to give which he will take? He wants power: you have no power. He wants dominion: you have no dominion-at least none that you ca grant. He wants influence in Europe. And have you any influence in Europe? What, in the name of Heaven, are the means by which you would render this negotiation successful? Is it by some secret spell? Have you any magic power? Will you draw a circle and conjure up devils to assist you? Or do you rely on the charms of those beautiful girls with whom, the gentleman near me says, the French grenadiers are to incorporate? If so, why do you not send an embassy of women?

Gentlemen talk of the principles of our government, as if they could obtain for us the desired boon. But what will these principles avail? When you inquire as to the force of France, Austria, or Russia, do you ack whether they have a habeas corpus act, or a trial by jury? Do you estimate their power, discuss their interior police? No! The question is, How many battalions have they? What train of artillery can they bring into the field? How many ships can they send to sea? These are the important circumstances which command respect and facilitate negotiation. Can you display these powerful motives? Alas! Alas! To