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dence of their being erroneous) of explanation or apology. The disavowal required of me by Colonel Burr, in a general and definite form, was out of my power, if it had really been proper for me to submit to be so questioned; but I was sincerely of the opinion that this could not be; and in this opinion I was confirmed by that of a very moderate and judicious friend whom I consulted. Besides that, Colonel Burr appeared to me to assume, in the first instance, a tone unnecessarily peremptory and menacing, and, in the second, positively offensive. Yet I wished, as far as might be practicable, to leave a door open for accommodation. This, I think, will be inferred from the written communications made by me and by my direction, and would be confirmed by the conversations between Mr. Van Ness and myself which arose out of the subject.

I am not sure, whether, under all the circumstances, I did not go further in the attempt to accommodate than a punctilious delicacy will justify. If so, I hope the motives I have stated will excuse me.

It is not my design, by what I have said, to affix any odium on the character of Colonel Burr in this case. He doubtless has heard of animadversions of mine which bore very hard upon him; and it is probable that, as usual, they were accompanied with some falsehoods. He may have supposed himself under a necessity of acting as he has done. I hope the grounds of his proceeding have been such as ought to satisfy his own conscience.

I trust, at the same time, that the world will do me the justice to believe that I have not censured him on light grounds nor from unworthy inducements. I certainly have had strong reasons for what I have said, though it is possible that in some particulars I have

been influenced by misconstruction or misinformation. It is also my ardent wish that I may have been more mistaken than I think I have been, and that he, by his future conduct, may show himself worthy of all confidence and esteem, and prove an ornament and blessing to the country.

As well, because it is possible that I may have injured Colonel Burr, however convinced myself that my opinions and declarations have been well founded, as from my general principles and temper in relation to similar affairs, I have resolved, if our interview is conducted in the usual manner, and it pleases God to give me the opportunity, to reserve and throw away my first fire, and I have thoughts even of reserving my second fire, and thus giving a double opportunity to Colonel Burr to pause and to reflect.

It is not, however, my intention to enter into any explanations on the ground-apology, from principle, I hope, rather than pride, is out of the question.

To those who, with me, abhorring the practice of duelling, may think that I ought on no account to add to the number of bad examples, I answer, that my relative situation, as well in public as private, enforcing all the considerations which men of the world denominate honor, imposed on me (as I thought) a peculiar necessity not to decline the call. The ability to be in future useful, whether in resisting mischief, or effecting good, in these crises of our public affairs which seem likely to happen, would probably be inseparable from a conformity with prejudice in this particular. A. H.

HARRIET MARTINEAU ON DUELLING IN AMERICA

"The manners of the Americans (in America) are the best I ever saw; and these are seen to the greatest

advantage in their homes; and as to the gentlemen in travelling. The hospitality of the country is celebrated; but I speak now of more than usually meets the eye of a stranger; of the family manners which travellers have rarely leisure or opportunity to observe. It is not so much the outward plenty, or the mutual freedom, or the simplicity of manners, or the incessant play of humor, which characterizes the whole people, as the sweet temper which is diffused like sunshine over the land. I imagine that the practice of forbearance requisite in a republic is answerable for this pleasant peculiarity. In a republic no man can in theory overbear his neighbor; nor as he values his own rights can he do it much or long in practice.

Some may find it difficult to reconcile this prevalence of good temper with the amount of duelling in the United States; with the recklessness of life, which is not confined to the semi-barbarous parts of the country. In New Orleans there were fought in 1834 more duels than there are days in the year; fifteen on one Sunday morning; in 1835 there were 102 duels fought in that city between the first of January and the end of April. When the world numbers the duel between Clay and Randolph; that Hamilton fell in a duel; and several more such instances; there may be wonder that a nation where such things happen should be remarkably good tempered. But New Orleans is no rule for any place but itself. But even on that spot there is some feeling of disgust and shame at the extent of the practice. A Court of Honor was instituted for the restraint of the practice. Its function degenerated into choosing weapons for the combatants. Hamilton's fate opened men's eyes to the philosophy of duelling, and is working to that purpose more and more. At the time it was

pretty generally agreed he could not help fighting, now there are few who think so. His correspondence with his murderer previous to the duel is remarkable. Having been told that Hamilton was the ' greatest man' of the country, I was interested to see what a greater than Washington could say in excuse for risking his life in so paltry a way. I read his correspondence with Colonel Burr with pain. There is fear in every line of ita complicated, disgraceful fear. He was obviously perishing between two fears; of losing his life, and of not being able to guard his own honor against the attacks of a ruffian. Between these two fears he fell. I was talking over the correspondence with a duelling gentleman. 'O,' said he, ' Hamilton went out like a Capuchin.' So the greatest man did not obtain even that for which he threw away what he knew was considered the most valuable life in the country. This is as it should be. When contempt becomes the wages of slavery to a false idea of honor, it will cease to stand in the way of the true; and 'greatest men' will not end their lives in littleness."-Travels in the West.

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THE

HE revolution from Federalism soon became complete. In 1800 New England voted as a unit against Jefferson; while the leaders denounced him as an atheist and a political libertine. Ruin was prophesied ; both in state and church. But in 1804 he carried Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Vermont, and Rhode Island; while barely losing Connecticut. In fact every State in the Union except Delaware and Connecticut, with two elevenths of Maryland, had voted solidly for the man who stood for reform, economy, simplicity; and who above all trusted the people. The people trusted him. Their love and confidence grew into fanaticism. In a quiet undictatorial manner he was a real dictator. He had written the Declaration of Independence, and it had been said he was a theorist; but he had proved pre-eminently practical. The taxes went down, but the debt went down too. He with Mason, Henry, and Madison had destroyed the State church and primogeniture in Virginia; and now he had broken the power of the Church State which Federalism had created. Slowly the territorial instability of the Union was being reversed. The effort of New

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