same time, the telegraph announced that Don Pancho (Madero's popular name, an abbreviation of Francisco) would arrive in a few hours.

Immediately, Governor Cañete went through the streets with white flags, pleading to the rebels to come off the housetops to save the town from the federal guns. This appeal gained nothing but sullen defiance. Then Cañete implored

them to come down for the sake of Don Pancho; that they must greet their liberator and celebrate the fiesta in proper style. The second appeal was successful. The rebels hustled into the street and began clearing the

corpses away. By the time Madero arrived, about ten o'clock, though the dead had been removed, pools of blood and bullet-scarred walls marked the scene of the desperate encounter. Then the rebels fell in behind Madero's automobile and paraded proudly.

At the head of an undisciplined mob, who may be called rebels only by courtesy, Madero rode through the streets, to the huzzas of the populace. Among those who followed him on horseback was the dynamite squad, each man without arms, but bearing in each hand a stick of dynamite.

For two days, the celebration was held. Then Madero continued on his way, passing across the gulf to Yucatan. He had no sooner gone than the rebels rode away to

bear them, if not a better one, than the federal troops.

The extent of Madero's handling of this situation is to argue and plead.

In the same way he has met every grave situation that has occurred since he was elected. He "pleads" with bandits to lay down their arms; he "urges" the rebels to cease fighting; he "suggests" that the federal troops be less harsh. He has announced that the revolution is at an end, while his brothers in New York and Washington repeatedly tell the American press that all is well in Mexico.

swarming, hungry vultures seeking out their opportunity to come below and feed on these dead bodies. There are more than a thousand of them. Besides, there are hundreds of wounded, who, abandoned, without care, are slowly dying of thirst and desperation.

Madero gained the presidency by virtue of reckless promises, backed by a wellfinanced show of arms for which the male members of his wealthy family furnished the sinews of war. These promises were, in effect, that the great estates of Mexico should be divided among the people. He now finds himself, for many reasons, incapable of fulfilling these promises.

His first and most terrible disaffection he faced in Zapata, "the Atilla of the South." Zapata is a young fellow of thirty, ignorant, bloodthirsty, reckless, inspired with the lust to kill and to loot.

During the revolution, Zapata fought with the rebels; and when the treaty of peace was signed, he demanded and was promised an important position in Madero's government. Yet, before Madero could be formally elected, Zapata appeared in the mountains in the state of Morelos at the head of a band of bandits.

Then Madero secretly sent for Zapata and gave him 30,000 pesos ($15,000), with the understanding that he should lay down. his arms and quietly await events, which in due time would result in a substantial office for himself. Once he had secured the money, Zapata promptly broke his word. Although De la Barra was at that time provisional president, all important negotiations were carried on by Madero from his private residence in the City of Mexico. He tried incffectually to induce Zapata to lay down his arms. He pleaded; he promised much; all to no avail. Zapata's band, according to El Imparcial and El Diario Español, very rapidly swelled to an army of 15,000 men.

Zapata has sacked scores of small towns in the states of Morelos, Oaxaca, Puebla, and Guerrero. He has put many foreigners to death and has subjected every one he has caught to the gravest indignities. One of his favorite insults is to compel the Spaniards he takes to embrace the decomposing bodies of Mexicans. He dislikes Spaniards even more heartily than he hates Americans.

Yet Zapata is but one phase of the new revolt. Chè Gomez, a much older, more restrained, and more resolute man, had a

following of about 5,000. It was this army of rebels that battled with the federals until a thousand were killed in and around Juchitan during the first week in November, while Madero was taking the oath of office.

In the state of Sinaloa, Juan Banderas, with several thousand men, during the months of October and November, was threatening the port of Mazatlan, which is the largest city on the west coast. Near him, is the bandit Solis, whose favorite form of extortion is to threaten to burn the canefields, unless he is paid to keep away.

In the state of Guerrero, Jesus Salgado is at the head of a marauding band, and in Guanajuato, Candido Procel is on the same errand; while in Coahuila, on the upper west coast, Flores Magon, under a thin veil of a pretense at Socialism, is conducting .raids.

Madero's own followers, the Maderistas, who have become the followers of other leaders now that their former chief is in command of the federal troops, are those who are reported to have killed 353 Chinamen in the capture of Torreon, many of whom were tortured before death. Lariats were tied to the ankles of some, and then were tied to the horns of saddles with the horses headed in opposite directions. Then the horses were whipped into a gallop and the Chinamen torn limb from limb.

Robert Swayze, a British subject, was cast on a fire, after he had been wounded and while still alive, and there burned to death. He was a railroad contractor and was engaged in his work when attacked.

The rapine committed is of the most savage description. On July 13, a German woman, whose husband had been killed before her eyes, was criminally assaulted by sixty Mexicans in the presence of his body.

An American woman, Mrs. Jacob Karlin, aged fifty-two, living just over the border, near Springer, New Mexico, was caught on August 13, in one of the swirling eddies of this insatiable fiendishness. A Mexican shot and killed her; then committed criminal assault. And so one could continue enumerating instances to prove that Mexico is not what Madero would have the outside world believe.

What will come of it all?

One of two things must happen: Either a strong man will arise from the present chaos of tortured Mexico, or there will be intervention!

T

HE opinion had prevailed for a long time that in the event of Diaz's death a revolution would necessarily take place in Mexico. When the rebellion broke out, led by Madero, men interested in the financial affairs of the country made no great efforts to prevent its course. Should that revolution be checked, they reasoned, another could be expected at Diaz's death, which presumably would not be far off, Diaz being eighty years old at the time.

With ample means at his disposal to make a long resistance, Diaz renounced his power, with full knowledge of the imminent danger that the independence of Mexico was incurring should the armed strife continue. For the independence of his country, he sacrificed all personal pride, and on May the 25th, resigned.

Francisco De la Barra, Minister of Foreign Relations, assumed the office of provisional president, appointing his cabinet according to the wishes of Madero, the revolutionary leader, and with the understanding that the latter would be his chief adviser. General elections were called for the first day in October.

Madero repeated what he had declared many times; that in leading the rebellion he had not been prompted by personal ambition, but only by the wish to free his country from a hated régime.

To some

friends, he said that he had no intention of entering the race as a presidential candidate. Upon mustering out all revolutionary forces, as he had promised to do, he would consider his task completed, and would retire to private life on his ranch.

Had he done this, he would have gone down in history as a great and disinterested patriot. The people would have elected a more experienced man, either General

Reyes, or De la Barra, and at the next term, with all friction eliminated, and the work of reconstruction well under way, would probably have forced Madero into office.

The hope of most Mexicans ran high. Irrespective of class or affiliation, they declared their patriotic intention of working in harmony to reestablish peace and prosperity. Madero's declarations were accepted at their face value. This, however, was to last but a few days.

Long repressed covetous ambitions sprang up everywhere, and the group of sordid schemers surrounding Madero set out to seize all sources of power.

Composed in part of members of the Madero family and their close friends, this group went about its task with cunning, inducing Madero to declare that a new political party would be formed-to be known as the Constitutional Progressive Party and to appoint them members of the executive committee.

At the same time, Madero declared dissolved the Anti-reëlection" Party, upon which ticket he had run for president the previous year.

The Anti-reëlection Party refused to be dissolved, thereupon causing a serious break in the revolutionary faction. The committee of the Progressive Party announced that a convention would be held and that Madero would be nominated for president. A newspaper, whose editor was the chairman of the committee, became the organ of the Madero family, and several others were subsidized.

A campaign of slander was waged against all those who in any way opposed the wishes of the committee, and a policy of persecution was inaugurated. Demagogy dominated. The chairman and another prominent