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member of the committee, while editing the Madero newspaper, organized public meetings at which extreme doctrines were expounded and opposition leaders attacked. A regular band of a few hundred men was employed to assist at these public meetings, which generally ended with the stoning of one or more houses and with the hurling of violent epithets against persons who had incurred the displeasure of the committee. This was called the expression of public opinion.

Upon his return from Europe, General Reyes proclaimed his adherence to the principles of the revolution: "effective suffrage and no reëlection." Madero offered him the ministry of war, in case he, Madero, should be elected.

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The masses, slower to understand and to move, began to show signs of dissatisfaction, when the Progressive Party, in its convention, nominated Pino Suarez for the vicepresidency. Francisco Vasquez Gomez, often called the "brain of the revolution,' was the popular candidate. Like his brother Emilio, he was completely eliminated by the Maderist faction. Pino Suarez was unknown in the political or in any other field. His only recommendation was the fact that he was an intimate friend of Madero.

Madero had revealed himself volatile and easily influenced, a man lacking all understanding and grasp of the situation. With the same facility with which he had accepted the platform of the Catholics, he accepted that of the Liberals and the Masons. His levity aroused popular indignation. Arriving in the city of Puebla a few hours after a battle between the federal and the Maderist forces, and unspeakable atrocities had been committed, he was the guest of honor at a banquet at which the merry-making lasted late into the night.

All efforts for pacification and conciliation were thwarted by the Progressive committee. At Vera Cruz, one of Madero's adherents made a violent speech attacking all foreigners, who, he said, were robbing the country. Madero applauded. At a dinner given to Pino Suarez, the vice-presidential candidate, Madero expressed the wish that the rich lands of Tabasco and Campeche

might soon belong to Mexicans instead of being in the possession of foreigners.

Greatly alarmed by existing conditions, men of all classes turned to Reyes and to De la Barra, as the only men who could rescue the country from anarchy. De la Barra, in accordance with his proclamation on assuming office, refused to accept the nomination for president or for vice-president, but his adherents hoped to force him, in spite of his refusal.

General Reyes offered to withdraw and leave the field to De la Barra, if Madero would do the same. But by this time Madero's ambitions had broken all bounds and the committee needed him. His name was used and abused to cover every act of persecution.

Reyes abandoned the race, and his party issued a statement saying that because of persecution that prevented organization and political work, the followers of General Reyes would not take part in the elections.The Evolutionist party also declared its intention of not going to the polls. Hence the claim made later by Madero's friends that he received 90 per cent. of the vote.

Madero was inaugurated on November 6. There are to-day, throughout the Mexican Republic, more armed men than there were at the time of Diaz's resignation.

Madero led the people into a revolution on the principles of "effective suffrage," no reëlection, and equal chance for every one in business opportunities. Besides this, he promised a division of lands among the Indians and better wages for the working

man.

Now, the masses are clamoring for the promised lands, higher wages, and "effective suffrage." While many are hungry and disappointed, most of the one hundred and more relatives of the president have found their way into public office, an uncle and two cousins being in his cabinet.

That Mexico's present government is unable to bring about such harmonious and peaceful conditions as will satisfy her people and all concerned in her financial prosperity, seems to be well established in the minds of those thoroughly familiar with the state of affairs existing in the southern republic.

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ized, popularized, led, and won the people's fight to prevent the New Haven from absorbing the Boston & Maine Railroad. For that sort of activity he is regarded as troublesome.

Then he turned around and became counsel for the organized employees of the New Haven system, in establishing coöperative stores to reduce the cost of living. For that sort of service he is known, beloved, and accounted the most useful citizen.

For neither service did he accept any fee. That is one of his eccentricities. No public cause in New England need be without the best of counsel, whether it has a treasury or not, because Brandeis is there to advocate it, if it looks good to him.

A PRACTICAL ALTRUIST

Not otherwise. You can hire Brandeis if you haven't a dollar, provided the case interests him and promises contribution to his general purpose of social betterment. You can't hire him at all if he doesn't want your sort of case. When you do hire him, if it's one of the sort of cases he takes for pay, you will find yourself paying at the end as stiff a fee as any other lawyer would have the face to charge.

This man is a practical altruist-mighty practical. You don't mostly associate altruism with percentages, fixed charges, cost sheets, and scientific efficiency. That's why Brandeis is a different sort of altruist. He does. He is one of the greatest lawyerbusiness men in the country. Go to him with a proposition in business or financial difficulties, and instead of getting down at dusty book and reading you what a judge once wrote, he will start inquiring into your business.

In investigating affairs and trying causes, he seems to know all about everything. Once President Mellen, of the New Haven road, accused him of using private detectives to ferret out secrets of the road's affairs. The truth was that Brandeis had simply taken a financial statement of the system as regularly given to the public, analyzed it, and done a stunt in financial anatomy that recalls the exploit of Cuvier, who could. take a single bone of some prehistoric animal, and from it construct an entire skeleton of the beast.

That financial statement was a big bone. "I took those few published figures," Mr. Brandeis explained afterward, "and, work

ing backward, built up a complete system of bookkeeping. At that time, the New Haven wanted to appear a highly profitable property, amply able to take over and develop a poorer one, the Boston & Maine. Studying out its recent absorption of subsidiaries and the burden they imposed, I saw that it could not possibly be on such a basis as it assumed."

THE TEN-HOUR CASE

That Boston & Maine financial anatomy story shows the Brandeis business-legalanalytical mind at work. Now turn to another phase, in which the Brandeis passion for sociological information and prodigious research enabled him to win a brace of other lawsuits for the people. No fees this time, either.

Oregon had passed a law prohibiting employers from working women over ten hours daily. Awful fool law, that; interfered with the sacred right of contract. You know, the right of contract is the touchstone of the Tory, the ark of conservatism's covenant. You musn't legislate to improve the conditions under which the people work, to shorten their hours, or do anything else for them, because that would interfere with their sacred right to contract to sell their labor on any basis they like. The Duke of Wellington once solemnly assured parliament that it must not legislate to ameliorate the condition of women who worked in the mines, creeping on all-fours to haul cars, eating, sleeping, living under ground for months without a look at daylight and the blue sky, because, he said, it would interfere with those women's right of contract, and Magna Charta would fade from every parchment on which it had ever been written if such a thing were done! Some Tory, was the duke; but when Oregon legislated a ten-hour limit on women workers, the united laundry operators interposed that very same objection, and the friends of the legislation found that the decision of the courts in this enlightened America, "this so-called twentieth century"-I wonder who invented that delicious characterization-were such that they were likely to have it held unconstitutional.

They sent for Brandeis. He looked up the law, and made a brief utterly uniqué. It covered 104 pages. Three were devoted to law; 101 to a summary and recital of the world's medical, social, and anatomical

information about the effects of long working hours on women, and the various legislative efforts, for centuries, to protect women. He didn't say a word about right of contract. A conventional lawyer would have had 104 pages on that and would have forgotten the duty of the community to its women and itself.

Brandeis followed that case to the Supreme Court, which completely sustained him and the law. More: it wrote his name-an almost unprecedented compliment-into the opinion, and paid splendid tribute to the social service that he had done!

But Brandeis knew better than the court. "We haven't had time to do this brief thoroughly," he said. "We will need a better one in some other case, and now is the time to make it."

So, with never an idea
when it would be needed,
he set his investiga-
tors at work to ex-
pand that brief

to cover the
whole sum of
knowledge on
the subject.
He had
eighteen
readers at
work on it
for months,
his sister-in-
law, Miss
Josephine
Goldmark, be-
ing his chief

aide.

The Illinois legislature presently passed a law to protect women workers, and it in turn

was assailed on

that same old right

"Scientific

Again Brandeis was turned to as the man who not only could make the fight best, but who would make it for nothing. The brief this time contained 600 pages of medical and sociological experience and information, and the same old three pages of law; and again the Supreme Court bowed in acquiescence and renewed its felicitations to the man who could see that there was something more than mummified precedent to be used in buttressing a legal argument. The Illinois law stood; and now Brandeis on the same terms, as to compensation is helping the attorney-general of Ohio sustain a still more advanced law of that state. These incidents tell pretty accurately what manner of humanist Brandeis is, and what sort of a mental mechanism he works with. They do not suggest the multiplicity of the causes to which he has devoted himself from sheer love of service.

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management," says Brandeis, "is the square

Look at one

year's labors of this tireless man for the public interest. He began in 1910

as attorney for Louis R. Glavis in the famous BallingerPinchot case. The country need not be reminded of the brilliant performance that built up that case and won a complete victory in the great court of public opinion. In the midst of that investigation,

of-contract plea. deal that gives the worker a proper share of profits he produces" he had to go away

to argue the Illinois ten-hour case; at its end, though utterly worn out, he was importuned to hurry away to New York and help settle the garment-makers' strike. It had been on for months, involving incredible sufferings to workers and loss to employers. They called in Brandeis when everybody else had given it up as utterly beyond adjustment.

As usual, Brandeis had an idea just then. It was the preferential union shop. The employees wanted organizations preserved; the employers would have none. Brandeis proposed that the shops be open, but that preference be given, on certain terms, to members of the union. Then he invented the Joint Board of Sanitary Control, on which employers and employees are represented in maintaining good conditions in factories. He devised an arbitration and conciliation board to adjust wages, hours, and the like. And, finally, he got both sides to agree to it.

SAVING A MILLION DOLLARS A DAY

The strike was settled. It had involved 1,500 establishments, and 60,000 employees. Mr. Brandeis regards it as the most gratifying work he ever did.

Settling that strike in this permanent fashion was the mid-summer's work of Mr. Brandeis. He got no vacation-and no fee. In the autumn, he was summoned into the advanced rate cases, to lead the Seaboard Shippers' association in fighting the nation-wide advance of rates that the railroads had undertaken.

Again, Brandeis had an idea. He had long been wanting a chance to proclaim his industrial efficiency doctrine from a high place, that all might hear. This was the time. He analyzed railroad management, with reference to efficiency and economy, as he had analyzed the question of working women's hours with reference to social effects. He never intimated concern about the argument that the railroads would be confiscated if they weren't allowed to raise · rates. He didn't talk law, or precedents, or cases, or decisions. He told how the Santa Fé system had applied scientific efficiency methods in its management, and saved millions; how the Missouri Pacific had not, and had lost millions. He told how the Pennsylvania's expense for certain specific services was vastly less per unit than that of the New York Central for

like service. He gave facts, figures, names, dates, details. He wound up by say that the railroads, by efficient methods, culd save a million dollars a day, and woula. 't need to raise rates.

HOW HE DOES IT

He won that case, too! The rates were not advanced, and the railroads did not even dare appeal from the Inter-state Commission's decision against them.

The idea, the significance, the possibilities, of scientific efficiency had been introduced to the people of the United States. That was Brandeis' primary purpose. Now the country is fairly stumbling over itself in the effort to get efficient. Brandeis' appreciation and seizure of a dramatic opportunity did it. Incidentally, it won his case-and no fee.

How does he manage to do it all? A big, trained brain, and an acute public conscience, driven by the motors of limitless energy and a vigorous constitution.

About that brain. Recently, a Harvard law professor was asked for the best exposition of a certain case, famous in the annals of American jurisprudence for two generations.

"That," replied the professor, "was written by a student of this class, when he was twenty years old. Two generations of great lawyers and judges have discussed that case, but the analysis of Louis D. Brandeis when he studied in this class still stands as the greatest."

Thirty-odd years after that performance, Louis D. Brandeis appeared before a congressional committee to present views on the trust question. That was only a few days ago. Three days he was on the stand, discoursing facts, law, world experience, commercial facts-everything that could be drawn from his wonderful reserves for illumination of such an issue. When he was done, Senator Cummins said to me:

"This has been the greatest demonstration I have ever seen of the possible achievements of the human intellect."

Brandeis, a youthful prodigy, graduated from Harvard's law course at twenty. They had to grant a special dispensation to let him get his degree under twenty-one. He became a lion in the straitest sect of Boston's best intellectual society. He was the ingrained aristocrat; loved culture, art, books; despised the untrained intellect; believed the

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