ablest occasion that ever presented itself, the endeavouring to restore their exiled sovereign: Gentlemen, indeed, who had ventured their lives, and lost their estates in the service of their prince; but they all died unlamented, and uninterceded for, because they were English. How much greater, therefore, is my obligation, whom you love better than your own countrymen, better than your own dear husbands? Nevertheless, ladies, it does not grieve me, that your intercession for my life proved ineffectual; for now I shall die with little pain, a healthful body, and, I hope, a prepared mind. For my confessor has shewed nie the evil of my way, and wrought in me a true repentance; witness these tears, these unfeigned tears. Had you prevailed for my life, I must, in gratitude, have devoted it wholly to you; which yet would have been but short; for, had you been sound, I should have soon died of a consumption; if otherwise, of the pox.

He was buried with many flambeaux, and a numerous train of mourners, most whereof were of the beautiful sex. He lies in the middle isle, in Covent-Garden church, under a plain white marble stone, whereon are curiously engraved the Du Vall's Arms, and, under them, written in black, this epitaph.

DU VALL'S EPITAPH.

HERE lies Du Vall: Reader, if male thou art,
Look to thy purse! if female, to thy heart.
Much havock has he made of both; for all
Men he made stand, and women he made fall.
The second conqu'ror of the Norman race;
Knights to his arms did yield, and ladies to his face;
Old Tyburn's glory, England's illustrious thief;
Du Vall, the ladies joy; Du Vall, the ladies grief.

The Author's Apology, why he conceals his Name.

SOME there are, without doubt, that will look upon this harmless pamphlet, as a libel and invective satire, because the author has not put his name to it; but the bookseller's printing his true name, and place of abode, wipes off that objection.

But, if any person be yet so curious, as to inquire after me, I can assure him, I have conjured the stationer not to declare my name so much as to his own wife; not that I am ashamed of the design, no, I glory in it; nor much of the manner of writing, for I have seen books, with the authors names to them, not much better written; neither do I fear I should be proud, if the book takes, and crest-fallen, if it should not; I am not a person of such a tender constitution:

Valeat res ludicra, si me

Palma negata macrum, donata reducat opimum.

But, upon other pressing and important reasons, though I am re

solved not to be known, yet I intend to give you some account of myself, enough to exempt me from being so pitiful and inconsiderable a fellow, as, possibly, some incensed females may endeavour to represent me.

I was bred a scholar, but let none reproach me with it, for I have no more learning left, than what may become a well-bred gentleman. I have had the opportunity, if not the advantage, of seeing all France and Italy very particularly; Germany and the Spanish Netherlands en passant. I have walked a currant, in the hands of Monsieur Provosts, the French king's dancing-master; and several times pushed at the plastron of Monsieur Filboy le Vieux. Now, I hope, these qualities, joined with a white peruke, are sufficient to place any person hors de la porteè, out of the reach of contempt.

At my return from France, I was advised by my friends to settle myself in the world, that is, to marry. When I went first amongst the ladies upon that account, I found them very obliging, and, as I thought, coming. I wondered mightily, what might be the reason could make me so acceptable; but afterwards found it was the scent of France, which was then strong upon me; for, according as that perfume decayed, my mistresses grew colder and colder.

But that, which precipitated me into ruin, was this following accident. Being once in the company of some ladies, amongst other discourses, we fell upon the comparison betwixt the French and English nations: And here it was, that I, very imprudently, maintained, even against my mistress, that a French lacquey was not so good as an English gentleman. The scene was immediately changed; they all looked upon me with anger and disdain; they said I was unworthy of that little breeding I had acquired, of that small parcel of wit (for they would not have me esteemed a mere fool, because I had been so often in their company) which nature had bestowed upon me, since I made so ill use of it, as to maintain such paradoxes. My mistress for ever forbids me the house, and, the next day, sends me my letters, and demands her own; bidding me pick up a wife at the plough-tail, for it was impossible any woman well bred would ever cast her eyes upon me.

I thought this disgrace would have brought me to my grave; it impaired my health, robbed me of my good humour. I retired from all company, as well of men as of women, and have lived a solitary melancholy life, and continued a batchelor, to this day.

I repented heartily, that, at my return from my travels, I did not put myself into a livery, and, in that habit, go and seek entertainment in some great man's house; for it was impossible, but good must have arrived to me from so doing. It was a la mode to have French servants; and no person of quality, but esteemed it a disgrace, if he had not two or three of that nation in his retinue; so that I had no reason to fear, but that I should soon find a condition.

After I had insinuated myself into one of these houses, I had just reason to expect, if I could have concealed myself from being an Englishman, that some young lady with a great portion should run away with me, and then I had been made for ever. But, if I had followed bad courses, and robbed upon the highway, as the subject of this history did, I might have expected the same civilities in prison, the same intercessions for my life, and, if those had not prevailed, the same glorious death, lying in state in Tangier Tavern, and being embalmed in the ladies tears. And who is there, worthy the name of a man, that would not prefer such a death before a mean, solitary, and inglorious life?

I design but two things in the writing this book: One is, that the next Frenchman that is hanged may not cause an uprore in this imperial city; which I doubt not but I have effected.

The other is a much harder task: To set my countrymen on even terms with the French, as to the English ladies affections: If I should bring this about, I should esteem myself to have contributed much to the good of this kingdom.

One remedy there is, which, possibly, may conduce something towards it.

I have heard, that there is a new invention of transfusing the blood of one animal into another, and that it has been experimented by putting the blood of a sheep into an Englishman. I am against that way of experiments; for, should we make all Englishmen sheep, we should soon be a prey to the loure.

I think I can propose the making that experiment, a more advantageous way. I would have all gentlemen, who have been a full year, or more, out of France, be let blood weekly, or oftener, if they can bear it. Mark how much they bleed; transfuse, so much French lacquey's blood into them; replenish these last out of the English footmen, for it is no matter what becomes of them. Repeat this operation toties quoties, and, in process of time, you will find this event: Either the English gentlemen will be as much beloved as the French lacquies, or the French lacquies as little esteemed as the English gentlemen.

But to conclude my apology: I have certainly great reason to conceal my name; for, if I suffered so severely for only speaking one word in a private company, what punishment will be great enough for a relapsed heretick publishing a book to the same purpose? I must certainly do as that Irish gentleman that let a scape in the presence of his mistress; run my country, shave my head, and bury myself in a monastery, if there be any charitable enough to harbour a person guilty of such heinous crimes.

THE

ROYAL FISHING REVIVED.

Wherein is demonstrated, from what Causes the Dutch have upon the Matter in grossed the Fishing Trade in his Majesty's Seas, wherein the Principles of all the Trades they drive in the World are chiefly founded: As also from what Causes the English have lost the Fishing Trade, to the Endangering the small Remainder of the Trades they yet enjoy. Together with Expedients by which the Fishing Trade may be redeemed by the English; and Proposals for Carrying on so great a Work. Humbly offered to the Consideration of the King and Parliament.

London: Printed by Thomas Ratcliffe for the Author, 1670. Quarto, containing twelve Pages.

Here we are presented with the State of the Fishery in the British Seas, when King Charles II. seemed inclined to maintain the Right of his Subjects, and to protect them in the Employment of that valuable Branch of Trade. It is but short, but it methodically and rationally gives us the Advantages which the Dutch gain by that Trade, with the Reason of those Advantages: The Hinderances, which obstruct the English in the Prosecution thereof: The Means whereby the English may redeem the Fishing Trade: And so concludes with Proposals for carrying on this great Work.

ADVANTAGES the Dutch have in the fishing trade, with the

reasons of them; viz.

1. Multitudes of men, above any other nation.

2. Cheapness of building all sorts of ships for this trade, above any other place.

3. Their convenient building ships for this trade, above any other place.

4. Greatness of vent in foreign trade for all sorts of commodities, returned in barter for their fish, above any other place.

5. Their excellency in packing and curing all sorts of fish (except red-herrings) above any other place.

THE REASONS.

First, Their multitudes of mariners and fishermen proceed not from the conveniency of their coasts, for all the fish they take are generally upon the coasts of England, Scotland, and the Orcades; and so might be more conveniently caught by us: Nor from the conveniency of their harbours, ours in number and excellency far exceeding theirs: But from the freedom that they give people of all nations, above any other place; whereby those people enjoying what they desire, and being kept in constant employment, are no way subject to sedition or murmur against the state; to the incomparable strengthening as well as inriching thereof.

Secondly, The cheapness of their building ships for this trade proceeds: 1. From the great quantities and cheapness of timber

they have down the Rhine and Maeze, as also out of Norway, and the Baltick Sea, in return of the fish and other commodities vented there by them. 2. Cheapness of pitch, tar, hemp, and iron, &c. above any other place, which are in great measures returned upon the product of their fish. 3. Lowness for interest of money, above any other place.

Thirdly, Their convenient building of ships for this trade, is from the encouragement and freedom they give to all sorts of builders of all nations, whereby ingenuity and industry is improved, as also the builders, above any other place.

Fourthly, The greatness of vent of all sorts of commodities, returned in product of the fish, is from the lowness of their customs for the same, and lowness of interest money; conveniency and cheapness of shipping, above any other place.

Fifthly, The excellency and reputation of curing and packing their fish, proceeds from the careful inspection of the States of the United Netherlands, above any other place; and their curing on ship-board, and then repacking.

These advantages have been in process of time so well improved by the Dutch, that they have not only gained to themselves almost the sole fishing in his majesty's seas; but principally upon this account have very near beat us out of all our other most profitable trades in all parts of the world. Nor have the English any reason to hope to retain the residue of those trades, which they yet enjoy, unless they may be relieved in the fishing trade, from these disadvantages and inconveniences following; which are,

First, Scarcity of people: Although the coast of England, with a limitation of five miles from it, will maintain more people than all the United Netherlands.

Secondly, Dearness of building ships for this trade; so that a Dutch ship, of equal dimension, is built for half the price.

Thirdly, Inconvenient building of shipping; so as a Dutch ship, of equal bigness, is sailed with half the hands.

Fourthly, Want of vent for all sorts of commodities, returned in barter for the fish in foreign trade.

Fifthly, The negligent and corrupt curing of fish by the English (except red-herrings) whereby their reputation is far less than those that are cured by the Dutch.

THE REASONS.

First, Scarcity of people upon the coast of England, is occasioned by our peopling the American plantations, the re-peopling Ireland, since the great massacre there, the late great plague in the year 1665, and the law against naturalisation, which permits no foreigner to partake equal freedom with the English in this trade; and corporations, which restrain the freedom of this trade, to the very few freemen of them.

Secondly, Dearness of shipping for this trade proceeds: 1. From the dearness and scarcity of timber in England. 2. From the act of navigation, which not only restrains the importation of timber,