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"Our chief usefulness to humanity rests on our combining power with high purpose; and high purpose by itself is utterly useless if the power to put it into effect is lacking."

TRUE LOVERS OF PEACE

"In the history of our country the peace advocates who treat peace as more than righteousness will never be, and never have been, of service, either to the nation or to mankind.

The true lovers of peace, the men who have really helped onward the movement for peace, have been those who followed, even though afar off, in the footsteps of Washington and Lincoln and stood for righteousness as the supreme end of national life.”

WHAT PACIFISM HAS DONE FOR CHINA

(In the Outlook, November 14, 1911.)

"A complete absence of militarism in China and China's effort to rely purely on pacific measures in dealing with all foreign powers have not only caused it to lose various Provinces to various foreign powers within the last few decades, but have had not the smallest effect in saving it from tyranny, misgovernment, and the most farreaching economic misery at home; and, moreover, have had the effect of depriving it of means of keeping order within its own boundaries."

Col. Roosevelt's poor opinion of the usefulness of arbitration treaties when unbacked by force is not the outgrowth of developments of the present war, but, like his opinions on the other vital questions of national policy, is a matter of long-standing conviction:

ARBITRATION TREATIES USELESS UNLESS BACKED BY FORCE

(Address to the graduating class of the Naval Academy, Annapolis, January 30, 1905.)

"The adoption of those (arbitration) treaties by themselves would not bring peace. We are a good many years short of the millennium yet; and for the present and immediate future we can rest assured that the word of the man who is suspected of desiring peace because he is afraid of war will count for little."

RELIANCE OF A FIRST-CLASS FLEET SAFER

(Address, as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, before the Naval War College, June, 1897.)

"Arbitration is an excellent thing, but ultimately those who wish to see this country at peace with foreign nations will be wise if they place reliance upon a firstclass fleet of first-class battleships rather than on any arbitration treaty which the wit of men can devise.”

(Address at dinner of the Sons of the American Revolution, New York, March 17, 1905.)

"I know one excellent gentleman in Congress who said he preferred arbitration to battleships. So do I. But suppose the other man does not? I want to have the battleships as a provocative for arbitration so far as the other man is concerned.

We have now got our Navy up to a good point. We have built and are building 40 armored ships. For a year or two, or two or three years, to come what we need to do is to provide for the personnel of those ships and to secure the very highest standard of efficiency in handling them, singly and in squadrons; above all, for handling the great guns.'

ARMED STRENGTH ALONE MAKES ARBITRATION

SUCCESSFUL

(Annual message to Congress, December 3, 1906.) "The chance for the settlement of disputes peacefully, by arbitration, now depends mainly upon the possession

by the nations that mean to do right of sufficient armed strength to make their purpose effective."

LIMITATION OF ARMAMENTS IMPOSSIBLE

(Annual message to Congress, December 3, 1907.)

"It is evident (from the failure of The Hague conference to take action on the limitation of armament) that it is folly for this Nation to base any hope of securing peace on any international agreement as to the limitation of armaments. Such being the fact, it would be most unwise to stop the upbuilding of our Navy."

NO SAFEGUARD AGAINST VIOLATION

(Address before the Nobel Prize Committee, Christiania, Norway, accepting the Nobel Peace Prize, May 5, 1910.)

"All really civilized communities should have effective arbitration treaties among themselves. I believe that these treaties can cover almost all questions liable to arise between such nations, if they are drawn with the explicit agreement that each contracting party will respect the other's territory and its absolute sovereignty within that territory, and the equally explicit agreement that (aside from the very rare cases where the nation's honor is vitally concerned) all other possible subjects of controversy will be submitted to arbitration. Such a treaty would insure peace unless one party deliberately violated it. Of course, as yet, there is no adequate safeguard against such deliberate violation, but the establishment of a sufficient number of these treaties would go a long way toward creating a world opinion which would finally find expression in the provision of methods to forbid or punish such violation."

NO SINGLE POWER CAN LIMIT ARMAMENTS

"Something should be done as soon as possible to check the growth of armaments, especially naval armaments,

they are of native or of Irish or of German ancestry. We have no room in any healthy American community for a German-American vote or an Irish-American vote, and it is contemptible demagogy to put planks into any party platform with the purpose of catching such a vote. We have no room for any people who do not act and vote simply as Americans and as nothing else."

ALL AMERICANS IN ROUGH RIDERS

(Speech at New Mexico, May 5, 1903.)

"There were men in my regiment (in the Spanish War) who themselves were born in England, Ireland, Germany, or Scandinavia, but there was not a man, no matter what his creed, what his birthplace, what his ancestry, who was not an American and nothing else."

GOOD CITIZENSHIP THE TEST

(Speech at Butte, Mont., May 27, 1903.)

"If we are to preserve this Republic as it was founded, as it was handed down to us by the men of sixty-one to sixty-five, and as it is and will be, we must draw the line never between section and section, never between creed and creed, thrice never between class and class; but along the line of conduct, the line that separates the good citizen wherever he may be found from the bad citizen wherever he may be found."

GOOD AMERICANISM NOT A MATTER OF BIRTH

(Message to Congress, December 6, 1904.) "Good Americanism is a matter of heart, of conscience, of lofty aspiration, of sound common sense, but not of birthplace or of creed. The medal of honor, the highest prize to be won by those who serve in the Army and the Navy of the United States, decorates men born here, and it also decorates men born in Great Britain and Ireland, in Germany, in Scandinavia, in France, and doubtless in other countries also."

ALL AMERICANS

(Speech at dinner of the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick, New York, March 17, 1905.)

"My fellow countrymen, I have spoken to-night especially of what has been done for this Nation of ours by men of Irish blood. But, after all, in speaking to you or to any body of my fellow citizens, no matter from what Old World country they themselves or their forefathers may have come, the great thing is to remember that we are all of us Americans. Let us keep our pride in the stocks from which we have sprung, but let us show that pride, not by holding aloof from one another, least of all by preserving the Old World jealousies and bitternesses, but by joining in a spirit of generous rivalry to see which can do most for our great common country."

Finally, in regard to the Monroe Doctrine and the necessity of upholding it by force in case of need, Col. Roosevelt has for years held and advocated no uncertain views.

THE MONROE DOCTRINE ONLY EFFECTIVE IF UPHELD BY

FORCE

(At Augusta, Me., August 26, 1902.)

"The Monroe Doctrine is simply a statement of our very firm belief that on this continent the nations now existing here must be left to work out their own des tinies among themselves and that the continent is not longer to be regarded as colonizing ground for any European nation.

The only power on the continent that can make that doctrine effective is, of course, ourselves, for in the world as it is, gentlemen, the nation which advances a given doctrine likely to interfere in any way with other

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