ton's Address accused of overdrawing his salary. Yet, despite these violent outbursts of opposition, he was still strong in the affections of the people, and there is no doubt that if he had desired a third term he would have been elected. But he felt that the time had come for him to withdraw from public life. When his second term ended (March 4, 1797) he retired to Mount Vernon, where he lived quietly and happily until his death. A few months before his retirement Washington published his Farewell Address, a document that has come down to us as Washingone of our most sacred political treasures. In the address he Farewell warned his countrymen against the dangers of sectionalism and partizanship, and urged the importance of cherishing and sustaining the Union. A passage of the address that took deep root in the public mind was one that admonished America against intervention in the affairs of foreign countries. "The great rule of conduct for us," he said, "in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little political connection as possible. 'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world." By the withdrawal of Washington, the Presidency was for the first time thrown open to the rivalry of candidates. The Federalist party had several candidates, the chief aspirants being Adams, Hamilton, and Jay. The Republicans centered their forces upon their great leader, Thomas Jefferson. The result of the election showed that the party division had been made along sectional lines: every Southern State except Maryland was Republican, while every Northern State was Federalist. When the electoral votes were counted, Adams received seventy-one, Jefferson sixty-eight, Thomas Pinckney fifty-nine, Aaron Burr thirty, while the others were scattered. In accordance with the Constitution as it then stood, Adams was declared to be elected President and Jefferson Vice-President (83). Thus, under the cumbersome electoral system as it was first devised, it was possible for the candidate of one political party to be chosen President while the leader of another party was chosen Vice-President. The Trouble with France The "ADAMS AND LIBERTY" Adams inherited from his predecessor a legacy of trouble with France. The Jay Treaty had deeply offended the French people, who construed it as being unfriendly to the interests of their country. Accordingly, the treaty was no sooner signed than the French Republic began to show its displeasure. By the time Adams took his place at the helm (March 4, 1797) the American minister to France had been sent out of the country and French cruisers were seizing American vessels on the high seas. In April, 1797, Adams received a message informing John Adams. him that the French Government would have nothing further to do with the United States until the grievances of France were dressed. Expecting war, he at once convened Congress in special session (100) in order that provision might be made for organizing an army and for defending the coast. But Adams did not wish war any more than Washington had wished it. With the hope of healing the breach through treaty arrangements, he despatched as envoys to France Charles C. Pinckney, Elbridge Gerry, and John Marshall. These envoys were met at Paris by three unofficial agents of the French Government and were informed that if a treaty were to be secured a considerable sum of money by way of bribe would first have to be paid to French officials, and that the United States would have to lend money to France to enable her to carry on the war against England. A direct official interview with the French Government was denied to the envoys. 1 The names of the French agents who dealt with the American envoys were known in the diplomatic records as X, Y, Z, and these letters have always been used to give a name to the affair. The names of the agents were Hottingeur (X), Bellamy (Y), and Hauteval (Z). When Adams heard of the insulting manner in which his envoys had been treated, he declared he would never again send a minister to France unless he was first assured that the minister "would be received and honored as the representative of a great, free, powerful, and independent nation." The report of the envoys caused much bitterness of feeling throughout the United States, and there went up a clamor for a war with France. Indeed for a time a state of war actually existed, for upon the sea there were encounters between French and American ships. Congress did not formally declare hostilities, yet it hastened to put the country on a war basis. A Navy Department was created, merchant vessels were permitted to arm and repel French assaults by force, and extra taxes for meeting the expenses of a war were laid. A new regiment was added to the little army, and 10,000 volunteers were enlisted for a term of three years. Adams encouraged the war spirit, and for a while he tasted the sweets of popularity. "Adams and Liberty" became the slogan of the hour. But this was not to last long. In 1799 France expressed a willingness to receive envoys from the United States. Adams, still wishing to avert war if possible, responded to the overtures. He sent envoys to France, and in September, 1800, a treaty was entered into by which peaceful relations between the two countries were restored and stipulations for the better protection of American commerce were made. This treaty was very unpopular with those who were clamoring for war, and it brought upon the head of Adams a storm of censure and abuse. There can be no doubt, however, that it saved the United States from a costly, unnecessary, and perhaps disastrous war. Just as Jay's Treaty kept us from throwing ourselves into the arms of France, so this treaty with France kept us from throwing ourselves into the arms of England. THE DOWNFALL OF THE FEDERALIST PARTY By the time the first term of Adams was drawing to a close the Federalist party was approaching its downfall. One cause of its decadence was dissension among the leaders. Hamilton Preparations for War The Alien Act The Act and Adams had quarreled bitterly, and their differences had caused a split in the party. But a greater cause of weakness was the legislation which the Federalists enacted while the trouble with France was brewing. In June, 1798, they forced through Congress the so-called Alien Law. This bestowed upon the President the power to order all such aliens as he should judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States, or should have reasonable ground to believe were concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the Government thereof, to leave the United States within such time as he might direct. If any alien thus ordered to depart should refuse, he was to be imprisoned for not more than three years. If he obeyed the order and then returned, he was to be imprisoned at the will of the President. As a further discouragement to aliens a law extending the period of naturalization from five (48) to fourteen years was passed. The Alien Act was followed in a few weeks by the Sedition Act, a statute that served as a pattern for an Espionage Law enacted in 1917 while we were at war with Germany. The act of 1798 imposed a heavy fine upon any person conspiring to oppose any measure of Government, and upon any persons publishing any false or scandalous or malicious writing against the National Government, Congress, or the President. The chief purpose of these laws was to frustrate the plans and silence the tongues of those who sympathized with France and criticized the President for his action in regard to French affairs. The Alien Law enforced itself: the obnoxious persons against whom it was directed took alarm and fled; Adams did not deport a single man. But ten editors and printers, all of them Republicans, were convicted under the Sedition Act. The Alien and Sedition Acts proved to be two of the most unpopular measures ever passed by an American Congress. Their repressive features caused the people to believe that their liberties were in jeopardy. Hamilton himself characterized the Sedition Act as being a tyrannical and violent measure and begged his fellow Federalists not to support it. Jefferson considered the law a nullity and felt that it was his bounden duty |