XLIII

TAKING A HAND IN OLD-WORLD AFFAIRS

For more than a century the United States held an isolated position in respect to the other nations of the globe. We desired "peace, commerce, and honest friendship" with foreign countries, but we steadfastly held ourselves aloof from their affairs. The broad features of our foreign policy were very well expressed by the Monroe Doctrine: the United States would not meddle in the political affairs of Europe, and Europe must not meddle in the political affairs of the American continent. In the very last years of the nineteenth century this policy of "splendid isolation" was abandoned. War and an impulse for territorial expansion brought us into contact with distant nations, and of necessity we assumed a responsible and important position among the great powers of the world.

THE DINGLEY BILL

Popular

Although the campaign in 1896 was fierce and bitter, the A successful candidate entered the White House (March 4, 1897) President

with the best wishes of virtually the whole body of the American people. The personal qualities of McKinley brought him great popularity. He could make a good speech, his manners were kindly and genial, he was tactful in his dealings with men, and he knew how to make friends. His instincts were those of a genuine democrat; he felt that the people were his masters and that he must do their will. His popularity was enhanced by the fact that he had no sooner taken his seat than the hard times began to pass away and a renewed prosperity began to dawn.

The new administration could

Photograph from Brown Bros.
William McKinley.

move along smoothly in the carrying out of its policies, for in the election of 1896 the Republicans got full control of both

The
Dingley
Tariff

branches of Congress-a control which they continued to hold for fourteen years. The first thing taken up was tariff revision. Although the tariff had not been the dominant issue in the campaign, and although the revenues under the Wilson Law were rapidly increasing and were almost certain to be sufficient in a short time for the needs of the Government, nevertheless the Republicans decided that a new tariff law was necessary. The Wilson Law was intended as a revenue measure, whereas the Republicans explicitly demanded a tariff that would not only furnish adequate revenue for the necessary expenses of the Government but would also protect our manufacturing industries from foreign competition. Accordingly, President McKinley after his inauguration speedily convened Congress in special session for the purpose of revising the tariff. The manufacturers clamored for a restoration of the high protective duties, and in response Congress gave the country the Dingley Tariff, which in regard to several important commodities pushed the protective principle further than ever before. The rates on sugar, woolen goods, silks, linens, and many manufactures of iron and steel were increased. In the Wilson Law an attempt had been made to carry out the theory of relieving the raw materials of manufactures from duty. The Dingley Law, disregarding this theory, restored wool, flax, lumber, hides of cattle, and many chemicals to the dutiable list. The principle of reciprocity authorized by the McKinley Bill (p. 501) was incorporated into the Dingley Bill, although nothing of importance in the way of reciprocity was ever accomplished by virtue of the Dingley Act. The new law was roundly denounced, yet it strengthened the cause of protection and improved the fortunes of the Republican party, whose stump speakers were fond of pointing to it as the source of many blessings. It proved to be a good revenue producer, and after its enactment prosperity was wide-spread. It remained in force for twelve years and was only slightly changed by the tariff that succeeded it. Substantially, its provisions formed the basis of our tariff for fifteen years.

THE WAR WITH SPAIN

"Recon

tion''

Congress had hardly finished with the Dingley Bill before it was called upon to deal with serious questions of foreign policy. In Cuba the Government of Spain had lost its control and was powerless to protect the lives of resident American citizens or to comply with its treaty obligations. We have learned (p. 447) that Cuba from 1868 to 1878 was in a state of revolt against Spanish authority and that the revolution gave rise to much friction between the United States and Spain. In 1895 the Cubans again revolted, and again there was friction. American sympathy was aroused by the cruel measures to which Spain resorted in her efforts to crush the insurrection. General Weyler, the commander of the Spanish forces in Cuba in 1896, ordered the Cuban peasants who were in sympathy with the rebellion to gather-"reconcentrate themselves"-in the centra towns occupied by the regular troops. In carrying out this policy of "reconcentration" hundreds of thousands were penned up in towns "like cattle and were compelled to subsist under conditions which no cattle could have endured." Against such cruelty President McKinley, in June, 1897, protested in the name of humanity and in the interests of American citizens who all too frequently were made the victims of Weyler's harsh measures. Spain in response promised self-government to Cuba. But the rebellion continued, and the relations between Spain and the United States grew worse and worse. In February, 1898, the battle-ship Maine made a visit, which was officially declared to be friendly, to Cuban waters. On the night of February 15, while the vessel was lying in the harbor of Havana, an explosion occurred which utterly wrecked her and killed her officers and 258 of her crew. An examination made by a board of naval officers showed that she had been destroyed by the explosion of a submarine mine, but the board was unable to fix the responsibility upon any person or persons. The people of the United States believed that Spain was responsible for the destruction of the Maine, and there was a strong de

The

Maine

Intervention in Cuban Affairs

Manila

mand for war.

President McKinley did not wish war, but he felt that the time had come for dealing firmly with the Cuban situation. So he sent to Congress a message declaring that on grounds of humanity forcible intervention in Cuba was necessary. On April 19 Congress passed resolutions declaring (1) that the people of Cuba were free and independent; (2) that it was the duty of the United States to demand, and the Government of the United States did demand, that Spain relinquish authority in the island of Cuba; (3) that the President should use the military forces of the United States to carry the resolutions into effect; (4) that the United States did not intend to exercise sovereignty over Cuba, but that it was its intention to leave the government and control of the island to its people. These resolutions of course were equivalent to a declaration of war and were so understood by the Spanish Government, which on April 24 formally declared war against us.

When the war began, Commodore (afterward Admiral) George Dewey was at Hong-Kong with a squadron of the American navy. On the same day that Spain declared war Dewey received from the Government at Washington the following cablegram: "War has commenced between the United States and Spain. Proceed at once to the Philippine Islands. Commence operations at once, particularly against Spanish fleet. You must capture vessels or destroy." In obedience to these instructions, Dewey on May 1 attacked a Spanish fleet that was stationed at Manila Bay. In the remarkable battle that followed, the American ships were scarcely injured at all, and not a single American was killed. On the Spanish side ten ships were destroyed, 381 men were killed, and numbers were wounded. Dewey was soon reinforced by land troops under General Merritt, and on August 13 the city of Manila was taken.

By the time Manila was taken the war was virtually over. As soon as hostilities were declared, the President called for 125,000 volunteer troops, and before the end of May 120,000 recruits had been mustered in. The fighting in Cuba took place

near the city of Santiago. On July 1, El Caney and San Juan Hill, the outer defenses of Santiago, were assaulted by the Americans and after two days' fighting were carried by storm.1 At the time of this fighting a Spanish fleet under Admiral Cervera was lying in the harbor of Santiago blockaded by a Santiago strong American fleet under Admiral Sampson. When Cervera

2

saw that Santiago was doomed he sailed out of the harbor and attempted to escape, but he was attacked by the American fleet,

and within a few hours his ships were destroyed. In this engagement the American fleet was directed by Commodore Schley, the actual commander (Sampson) being absent though not out of sight of the fighting. Soon after the destruction of Cervera's fleet, Santiago surrendered (July 17). On July 25 General Miles captured Porto Rico.

1 In the fight distinguished service was rendered by the Rough Riders, a regiment made up of cowboys, hunters, ranchmen, Indians, and college graduates. Of this regiment Dr. Leonard Wood was the colonel and Theodore Roosevelt lieutenantcolonel.

On June 3 Lieutenant Richmond Pearson Hobson undertook to "bottle up" the Spanish fleet within the harbor. He attempted to sink a collier in the narrowest place of the channel, but the ship did not sink at exactly the right place. So the Spanish were not bottled up.