1861 extent offset by that which the Confederates had in fighting a defensive war on their own grounds and among friends. The intimate knowledge of the country over which they fought, their adaptability to the Southern climate and the encouragement and the support of the surrounding population were advantages of great significance to the Southern soldiers. The history of many wars in the past shows that relatively small armies, acting on the defensive, have resisted invasions of much larger ones. The people of the South always contended that they were fighting for their liberty, their independence, and their honor, a "just and holy cause," said President Davis, in his message of April 29, and history teaches that a people who are animated by such convictions are difficult to conquer. To overcome the Confederates it was necessary for Northern armies to penetrate the heart of the South, where they were surrounded on all sides by enemies and plagued by a climate to which they were ill-adapted, at the same time maintaining uninterrupted connections with their bases of supplies at the North. Whatever they conquered in the South had to be held, or the conquest was worthless, and this required large numbers of additional troops. Furthermore, the South had an advantage, too often overlooked, in its slave population, most of whom remained quietly on the plantations during the war, cultivated the crops and with remarkable faithfulness raised food supplies for the families of their masters who were absent in the service of the Confederacy. Moreover, the slaves rendered valuable service in the Confederate army as body-servants, teamsters, hostlers, cooks, and in the erection of fortifications. Another advantage of the North was its great wealth and the variety of its industries. Nearly all the important establishments for the manufacture of cotton and woolen goods, boots, shoes, hardware, farming implements, drugs, medicines, firearms, ships, etc., were north of Mason and Dixon's line. The South was almost wholly an agricultural region and was therefore dependent upon the North or upon foreign countries for most of the necessaries of life which could not be produced on the farm. Manufacturing on a large scale had never flourished in the South; the Southern people had devoted their main energies to the production of cotton - a commodity which they with more of pride than of boastfulness christened the "king of staples," and the demand for which abroad 1861 they fully believed would lead the European nations to recognize the Confederacy and demand the raising of the blockade. But in this view they overestimated the power of King Cotton, and throughout the long years of the war the Confederacy was practically shut in from all intercouse with the outside world by a cordon of blockading vessels extending from the mouth of the Potomac to the Rio Grande. The South now for the first time realized the meaning of its dependence on the outside world. Arms, munitions and all kinds of military supplies, clothing, shoes, medical and hospital needs, could only be procured by blockade running, a most hazardous and uncertain business. At first the blockade was not very effective; but as the war progressed the Southern ports were more closely invested until foreign trade was practically at an end. Millions of dollars' worth of cotton were stored up in warehouses and held in the vain hope that England, forced by necessity, would recognize the Confederacy and demand the opening of the Southern ports. But that time never came. Cotton worth its weight in gold could not be disposed of, while salt could not be purchased for $25 a bushel. The energies of the South were thus diverted from the prosecution of the war to the establishment of new industries and the creation of makeshifts and substitutes for many of the necessaries of life. It is practically admitted now that the blockade was one of the principal causes of the downfall of the Confederacy. The greatest difficulty was experienced in securing fire-arms, salt, coffee, and medicine. Old muskets, time-worn and well-nigh worthless, except as heirlooms, were brought out and pressed into service. Brass ornaments and utensils of every kind were melted down and used in the manufacture of cannon.7 The North, on the other hand, not only manufactured everything that was needed for the support of its armies and the prosecution of the war, but enjoyed the advantage of an unrestrained commerce with foreign nations. Possessing great wealth and enjoying the prestige of an independent nation, the government at Washington was able to borrow unlimited sums as they were needed and at reasonable rates of interest. From first to last its 7 For excellent accounts of the industrial and social conditions in the North and in the South during the war, see Rhodes, "History of the United States," vol. v. chs. xxvii and xxviii; also John Christopher Schwab, "Financial History of the Confederacy." 1861 army was well fed and clothed, better so perhaps than any other army of modern times. As to fighting qualities, it is sometimes said that the Southerners possessed the advantage. They were no doubt better trained in the use of arms and in horsemanship than the Northern soldiers, and it was often asserted in the South that they possessed greater physical courage. Before the outbreak of the war, indeed, it was widely believed that Northern men would not fight; but this was soon found to be a delusion, and none were more ready to testify to the courage and bravery of the Union soldier than his Southern adversary. The North, on the other hand, misunderstood the temper and determination of the Southern people. It was commonly asserted at the North that the secession of the Southern States had been brought about by a small coterie of political leaders against the real wishes of the masses of small slaveholders and non-slaveholders who were at heart in favor of the Union, and that after a short campaign they would come "trooping back" into the Union. But the fact is, the poor whites and the small slaveholders were more strongly opposed to "submission" than the slave "oligarchs." It is an error to contend, as some historians have done, that the Southern "fire-eaters" were confined to the ranks of the wealthy slaveholders. Their enthusi asm was to be found among all classes and their followers were legion. They entered upon the conflict with no other thought than to fight as long as there was any hope of success. This misconception upon the part of each side of the qualities and motives of the other constituted one of the strange features of the initial stages of the Civil War.8 An event that came dangerously near involving the United States in a foreign war soon after the beginning of hostilities with the South was the Trent Affair, which occurred in October, 1861. In its efforts to secure the recognition of foreign powers the Confederate Government had appointed James M. Mason, of Virginia, and John Slidell, of Louisiana, both late senators in the Congress of the United States, to represent the Confederacy at London and Paris, respectively. Escaping the Federal blockade at Charleston on the night of October 12, they reached Havana, Cuba, and took passage from there to England on the British mail Read Brown, "The Resources of the Confederacy," in his "Lower South,” ch. iii. 1861 steamer Trent. On the day after the Trent left Havana she was hailed by a United States sloop of war, the San Jacinto, which fired a shot athwart her bows as a signal to stop. Paying no attention to the signal, the Trent proceeded on her course. The San Jacinto then fired a shell, which exploded near the Trent and brought her to a halt. Thereupon Captain Wilkes sent on board a party of marines under the command of Lieutenant Fairfax, who forcibly seized the Confederate commissioners and their secretaries against the protest of the British officer and took them to Boston, where they were confined as prisoners of war in Fort Warren." The news of Wilkes's capture was received at the North with great rejoicing. Congress voted Captain Wilkes a resolution of thanks, the hospitality of the Northern cities were extended to him, and the act was approved by the Secretary of the Navy as one marked by "intelligence, ability, decision and firmness." But in England it aroused a storm of popular indignation and was denounced as an outrage upon the British flag. Public indignation meetings were held, the government was called upon to demand reparation, and extensive preparations for war were begun. Immense quantities of arms and ammunition were collected and troops were sent to Halifax to be ready for service against the United States. The British Government promptly made a formal demand for reparation and gave seven days for an answer. This sent a chill over the popular enthusiasm in the United States and many clamored for war with Great Britain, but cooler heads realized that this would be rashness in the extreme. To put down the insurrection was task enough for the government, and at the moment many seriously questioned whether that were possible. The far-seeing Lincoln was quick to recognize that the act of Captain Wilkes was indefensible. As soon as the news was broken to him he remarked that Wilkes had done precisely the very thing that we had once fought England for doing. In his opinion there was only one course to pursue, namely, to release the commissioners, disavow the act of Captain Wilkes and wait for a more propitious time to settle accounts with the British Government. Accordingly a carefully worded answer was prepared by Secretary Seward disavowing the act of Captain Wilkes but at the See article of Lieutenant, afterwards Rear Admiral, Fairfax in Battles and Leaders of the Civil War" ("The Century War Book "), vol. ii. pp. 135 1861 same time adding that if the safety of the Union had required the detention of the captured commissioners it would have been the right and duty of this government to detain them. Mason and Slidell were taken to England at the expense of the United States and released, but were never able to accomplish the mission for which they had been sent. The affair contributed much to the increasing tension between the United States and Great Britain, for the people of the North highly resented the manifestations of British indignation at Captain Wilkes's course, the haste with which the government presented its ultimatum and the warlike preparations which were entered upon for the enforcement of English demands. The prompt compliance of the United States, however, with the British demand was a sore disappointment to the people of the South, who fondly hoped that England might thus be induced to declare war against the North and join her forces with those of the Confederacy.10 III THE BEGINNING OF THE CONFLICT We noted the great anxiety which existed at Washington after the Baltimore riot on account of the difficulty of transporting troops from the North to the capital. For several days subsequent to the riot a condition amounting almost to a panic prevailed among the public officials in Washington lest the Confederate forces then gathering in Virginia should make a descent upon the city. Had such an attempt been made at the time it would have been impossible to offer an effective resistance with the few thousand troops then gathered for the defense of the capital. The President fully realized the effect the capture of Washington by the Confederates would have, both as regards the loss of the vast property of the government and the prestige it would give the Confederates abroad and the thought gave him great concern. His apprehension did not disappear until April 25 on which day the Eighth Massachusetts and the Seventh New York regiments reached the capital after experiencing great difficulty and fatigue in making their way through Maryland. There were then ten thousand troops in the city and great was the rejoicing among the 10 See Bancroft, "Life of Seward," vol. ii. ch. xxxiii. |