was speedily rejected. It was deemed necessary that Hancock should remain in the position of Governor of Massachusetts. Samuel Adams had been opposed to the new Constitution at the outset, and although he had subsequently advocated it, his early position rendered him an unsuitable candidate. John Adams, on the other hand, had written a book in defence of the Constitution, and it was deemed on many accounts best that he should be chosen. Yet his relations to Washington had been such during the Revolutionary war that there were doubts whether he would be acceptable to the latter. In answer to an inquiry on this point, Washington had cautiously replied that,

Having taken it for granted that the person elected for that important place would be a true Federalist, in that case he was altogether disposed to acquiesce in the prevailing sentiments of the electors, without giving any unbecoming preference, or incurring any unnecessary ill-will.

Both Hamilton and Madison were doubtful about taking Mr. Adams, but the former wrote, after full consideration, that, "on the whole, I have concluded to support Adams." The people had decided that before him. Most of the newspapers, in the Northern States at least, which were friendly to the new government, expressed themselves strongly in favor of him. One extract from a Philadelphia paper, under date of Oct. 8, 1788, will suffice for all:

The electors of President of the United States on the part of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania are to meet in the borough of Reading, where it is universally hoped and expected that one more tribute of merited approbation will be given to George Washington, Esq., by their unanimous suffrages. Of the several respected tandidates in nomination for Vice-President, circumstances seem most in favor of John Adams, Esq. While the conciliating talents of Governor Hancock, and the attachment to him that prevails in

Massachusetts, render him necessary to the peace of New England, Mr. Adams is perfectly at leisure to fill a seat for which nature, education, and the experience of several years and various courts in Europe have eminently and peculiarly qualified him.

Under such circumstances the choice of electors took place. There was an understanding for whom they were to vote, but probably not one of the electors in any State had given a pledge. Then occurred an incident which has given rise to much discussion, and widely different views of it have been taken by the partisans of Mr. Adams and of Mr. Hamilton. It is to be remembered that at that time the electors voted for two persons for President. He who had the highest number, being a majority, was to be President, and the second highest was to be Vice-President. There is little doubt that the Anti-Federalists inclined at one time to concentrate upon George Clinton for one of the two places, in the hope of making him VicePresident. It is doubtful if they ever conceived of the possibility of choosing him a President, if they desired to do so, and there is no evidence that they intrigued to compass that end. But Hamilton either believed that they did so, and feared they would succeed, or he saw in the situation a chance to injure Adams. His conduct may be explained on either hypothesis. He seems to have intimated in various quarters a fear that Washington would fail to receive some votes, and that the unanimity in favor of Adams would make the latter President and Washington Vice-President. It was said, too, that the New York electors as it turned out, New York chose none-would support Clinton and Adams, in the hope that Massachusetts and New England generally would do the same.

Whatever Hamilton's motive may have been, there is no doubt that he did send special messengers to two or three of the States which would have given a unanimous

vote to Washington and Adams, advising that one or more votes be withheld from the latter so as to ensure Washington's election for the first place. his advice is the explanation of the Connecticut and New Jersey at least.

The acceptance of scattering votes in The result was the

election of Washington by a unanimous vote, and of Adams by less than a majority. as follows:

The detailed vote was

It may be well to repeat here that Rhode Island and North Carolina did not vote, not having ratified the Constitution, and that the vote of New York was lost in a quarrel between. the two branches of the legislature. The popular vote in the few States where the people chose the electors signified nothing, and no attempt has been made to collect the returns.

The counting of the electoral vote took place on the 6th of April, 1789, more than a month later than the time fixed by the Congress of the Confederation. On that day, a quorum of senators having appeared in their seats, John

Langdon, a senator from New Hampshire, was elected "president for the sole purpose of opening and counting the votes for President of the United States." A message was sent to the House of Representatives, notifying that body of the facts above recited, "and that the Senate is now ready in the Senate Chamber to proceed, in the presence of the House, to discharge that duty; and that the Senate have appointed one of their members to sit at the clerk's table to make a list of the votes as they shall be declared, submitting it to the wisdom of the House to appoint one or more of their members for the like purpose."

The House appointed two tellers, and, having notified the Senate of its readiness to join that body, proceeded to the Senate Chamber. The President of the Senate opened and counted the vote. The Journal of the Senate reads that:

The Speaker and the House of Representatives attended in tne Senate Chamber, and the president elected for the purpose of counting the votes declared the Senate and House of Representatives had met, and that he, in their presence, had opened and counted the votes of the electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, which were as follows: [The table given above is here inserted.]

Whereby it appeared that

George Washington, Esq., was elected President, and

John Adams, Esq., Vice-President, of the United States of America.

The President and Vice-President elect were notified of their election by the Senate. Mr. Adams appeared before the Senate, was qualified and entered upon his duties as presiding officer on the 21st of April. Presi dent Washington was inaugurated with great ceremony on the 30th of April.

III.

WASHINGTON'S SECOND ELECTION.

PARTY spirit did not run very high until near the close of Washington's first administration, but parties were in process of formation. The antagonism between Jefferson and Hamilton, the two leading spirits of the cabinet, was strong at first, and became more decided as the latter, supported by the great influence of the President, carried one after another of the measures which have given form and character to the government even to the present time.

As the time for a fresh election drew near, General Washington expressed a wish to retire; but his withdrawal was not desired even by the Anti-Federalists, who now began to take the name of Republicans. The opposition concentrated their strength in an effort to defeat Mr. Adams, and to place George Clinton in the chair of Vice-President. It does not appear that there was any caucus or meeting, public or private, to agree upon this course; but it was a matter of general understanding that those who were opposed to Hamilton's policy would support electors favorable to Mr. Clinton.

At the last session of Congress before the second election, the following act was passed, which, with certain modifications to be noted hereafter, is still in force :

AN ACT Relative to the Election of a President and Vice-President the United States, and declaring the Officer who shall be President in case of Vacancies in the Offices both of President and Vice-President.

SECTION 1. Be it enacted, etc., that, except in cases of the