It will be observed that in this case the Vice-President both opened and read the certificates, and that the tellers did no more than verify and tabulate the returns. The exclusive power of the Vice-President to count the votes was thus asserted and exercised in a marked manner. On the next occasion, as we shall see, the use of this power might have been a matter of some importance.

IV.

JOHN ADAMS.

BEFORE the end of Washington's second administration, party spirit reached a degree of acerbity which has been seldom equalled, and never exceeded, in this country. Mr. Jefferson had resigned his office as Secretary of State at the beginning of 1794, and was recognized as the leader of the Republican party, and the representative of opposition to the policy of which Hamilton had been the proposer, and which was fully accepted by the President. But foreign affairs, even more than domestic, divided parties. Jefferson and the Republicans generally were open partisans of France, advocates of the. Revolution, and haters of the French monarchy and of England, the enemy of France. No doubt a very large majority of the people of the United States shared in these sentiments, which the long war with England, the intolerable. relations with that country, the assistance France had rendered during the Revolutionary War, and the adoption of republican forms by the French on acquiring their liberties, all combined to render popular.

The only question, however, was, how far this sympathy with France should be allowed to carry the country. The French Republic claimed most insolently the active help of America; and her ambassador, "Citizen Genet," had openly organized the friends of France for active operations. The calm but firm opposition of Washington to these plots and schemes had brought down upon him a storm of personal abuse to which the political vitupera

tion of to-day is mildness. The anger of the opponents of the administration was transformed into uncontrollable rage by the Jay treaty, which they denounced as a most cowardly surrender of American interests to Great Britain. It was only the confidence which the people had in Washington's wisdom and patriotism, whatever opinion of him their words indicated, that saved the treaty from indignant rejection. It was ratified, however, and the House of Representatives was persuaded to agree to make provision for carrying it into effect, in the early part of 1796, a few months before the election was to take place. Although there were no formal preparations of opposi tion, for the elaborate political machinery of to-day was not then invented, the Republicans were resolved to make a great effort to defeat the Federalists. In all probability they would not have endeavored to prevent the re-election of Washington if he had consented to be a candidate, and they would not in any event have succeeded. So late as the beginning of September, 1796, it was not known, though it was rumored, that Washington would refuse a third term in the Presidency. And even then, before the Farewell Address was issued, without any caucus or convention, the candidates were already designated by popular agreement. "It requires no talent at divination," it was said in the "Boston Gazette," a Republican paper, in September, 1793, "to decide who will be candidates for the chair. Thomas Jefferson and John Adams will be the men, and whether we shall have at the head of our executive a steadfast friend to the rights of the people, or an advocate for hereditary power and distinction, the people of the United States are soon to decide." Mr. Thomas Pinckney, who had not long before resigned the position of minister to England, was, by common, but not universal, consent, associated with Mr.

Adams. The prevailing sentiment was likewise in favor of Aaron Burr as the associate of Mr. Jefferson on the Republican ticket.

The appointment of electors took place at various times during the month of November, 1796. Sixteen States took part in the election, Tennessee having been admitted to the Union on June 1, 1796. The electors for that State

were chosen by the legislature. Those for North Carolina were elected by the people. No other State changed its system, and there were, therefore, six States where there was a popular election, while in the other ten the choice. was made by the legislature.

Attempts were made, while the elections were taking place, and after the electors had been chosen, to influence the result. They were of two classes. There was an effort in more than one quarter to represent that Mr. Adams was not faithful to the principles of Federalism, and that he could not be depended upon to follow out the policy which had guided Washington in his administration. Of this class was a communication signed “A Federalist," originally printed in a New York paper, but widely copied into the newspapers of other States, chiefly those favorable to Mr. Jefferson's pretensions, — in which it was asserted that Mr. Adams was never taken into the confidence of the President; that he was not accustomed to reside at the seat of government except during the sessions of Congress; that he was regarded only as the President of the Senate; and that he had privately expressed himself in terms of decided hostility to many of the measures of Washington's administration. The object of this was, of course, to draw away from Mr. Adams a part of the votes of electors appointed as Federalists.

The other "bombshell" was cast by the minister of

France, M. Adet, probably at the instigation of his gov ernment. In the midst of the election he addressed a note to the Secretary of State, and also caused it to be published in all the newspapers which would print it, reproaching the administration with having violated its treaties with France, and with conducting itself in a most ungrateful manner toward a country which had rendered important assistance in the Revolutionary struggle. He also announced that he was directed by his government to suspend his diplomatic duties. The interruption of relations was, however, not to be interpreted "as a rupture between France and the United States, but as a mark of just discontent, which was to last until the government of the United States returned to sentiments and to measures more conformable to the interests of the alliance, and to the sworn friendship between the two nations."

This manifesto, if it had been able to exercise any influence at all upon the election, would have increased the vote for Mr. Jefferson, who was believed to be the fast friend of France, even to the extent of engaging in war in her support, if necessary; though it does not appear that Mr. Jefferson himself gave France any reason to expect him to adopt such a servile policy. But no effect of M. Adet's letter can be traced in the elections.

The popular vote in those States where there was a contest, real or nominal, is not preserved in a form to indicate the strength of the two parties. The minority usually refrained from voting altogether. The result by electoral votes is given on the next page.

The proceedings in preparation for the count of the electoral votes were in all respects similar to those of four years previous, except that the proposition for a joint committee originated this time in the Senate. The count itself is interesting on account of the fact that Mr.