a minister plenipotentiary from the Republic of Colombia to reside at his court, had determined not to receive him in that capacity, nor to receive any agent from any of the governments recently formed in the New World; and that he (Baron Tuyll) was instructed to make this determination of his Imperial Majesty known, so that there might be no doubt entertained in that respect with regard to his intentions. Baron Tuyll added that he had not been instructed to make an official communication of this fact to the American Government, but that, as he considered such a communication the most effectual means of making it known to them, and thereby of fulfilling the instructions of his sovereign, he should address to Mr. Adams an official note to that effect.

The baron further stated that by two several instructions of prior dates, in June and December, 1882, he had been informed of the satisfaction with which the Emperor had observed that the Government of the United States, when recognizing the independence of the South American States, had declared that it was not their intention to deviate from the neutrality which they had until then observed in the contests between Spain and her American colonies; and that it was the wish and hope of the Emperor that the United States should persevere in that course of neutrality. The baron added that he had not thought it necessary to communicate officially the purport of these instructions, and that he should not refer to them in the note which he proposed to transmit to the Department of State.

Mr. Adams replied that upon the President's return from Virginia, which was expected in a very few days, he would lay before him as well the note which he should in the meantime receive as the purport of the oral communication just made to him; that he should probably be instructed to return a written answer to the note, and also directed what to say in answer to the oral communication; that the declaration of the American Government, when they recognized the Southern American nations, that they would persevere in the neutrality till then observed between Spain and her emancipated colonies had been made under the observance of a like neutrality by all the European powers to the same contest; that so long as that state of things should continue he could take upon himself to assure the Baron that the United States would not depart from the neutrality so declared by them but that if one or more of the European powers should depart from their neutrality, that change of circumstances would necessarily become a subject of further deliberation on the part of the United States, the result of which it was not in his power to foretell.

On the same day Mr. Adams received a note from Baron Tuyll in the sense expected.

Further conferences took place, and on the President's return from Virginia on the 5th of November, Mr. Adams laid before him Baron Tuyll's note of Oct. 16, and reported the substance of their conferences. The President, after consulting the members of the administration in Washington, directed Mr. Adams to request another interview with the baron, which took place on the 8th of November.

In this interview Mr. Adams told Baron Tuyll that he had submitted to the President the note declaring the Emperor's determination not to receive any minister or agent from any of the South American states, and that an answer would shortly be given; that he had also reported to the President the substance of their verbal conferences, and that the President had directed him to say that he approved of his answers as far as they had gone, and to add "that he received the observations of the Russian Government relating to the neutrality of the United States in the contest between Spain, and the independent states of South America, amicably; and in return for them wished him to express to the Court the hope of the Government of the United States that Russia would on her part also continue to observe the same neutrality." After some conversation the baron desired Mr. Adams to repeat what he had said, so that he might be sure of perfectly understanding it, which Mr. Adams did. The baron then observed that he should immediately prepare a dispatch to his Government, relating the purport of the conversation, and (it being Saturday) to be sure of its accuracy he would send it to Mr. Adams's house the next day for examination and comment.

Baron Tuyll subsequently handed to Mr. Adams other papers, including extracts from instructions which he had received from Count Nesselrode with reference to the intervention in Spain.

Memorandum of Mr. Adams, Sec. of State, 1823, MS. Inst. Special Missions, I. 1. Published by W. C. Ford in 15 Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Society, Jan. 1902, 394–399.

For the correspondence referred to in the memorandum, see 15 Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Soc., Jan. 1902, 378, 400-405.

See, also, 8 Am. Hist. Rev. (Oct. 1902), 29-46.

6. CABINET DELIBERATIONS.

§ 935.

From the 7th to the end of November, 1823, the question of Canning's proposals, and the correspondence and conferences between Mr. Adams and Baron Tuyll, frequently occupied the attention of President Monroe and his Cabinet. Mr. Adams thought that Canning wanted some public pledge from the United States not only against the forcible intervention of the Holy Alliance in Spanish America, but also especially against the acquisition by the United States of any

part of those countries. Mr. Calhoun inclined to give discretionary powers to Mr. Rush to join in a declaration against the interference of the Holy Alliance, if necessary, even if it should pledge the United States not to take Cuba or Texas. Mr. Adams was not in favor of this. On the 15th of November, Mr. Adams states in his diary, President Monroe showed him the letters from Jefferson and Madison. "Calhoun," says Adams, "is perfectly moonstruck by the surrender of Cadiz, and says the Holy Allies, with ten thousand men, will restore all Mexico and all South America to Spanish dominion."

At a Cabinet meeting on the 15th of November Mr. Adams expressed himself thus: "Considering the South Americans as independent nations, they themselves, and no other nation, had the right to dispose of their condition. We have no right to dispose of them, either alone or in conjunction with other nations. Neither have any other nations the right of disposing of them without their consent. This principle will give us a clew to answer all Mr. Canning's questions with candor and confidence."

At one time President Monroe seemed to be inclined to Calhoun's idea of giving Rush discretionary powers, but Adams was "utterly averse to this." From time to time the nature of the contents of the coming message of the President to Congress formed a topic of discussion. Adams thought a stand should be taken against the interference of the Holy Alliance in American affairs. Wirt intimated that the people would not support the Government in a war for the independence of South America. Calhoun thought otherwise; he believed the Holy Alliance "had an ultimate eye to us; that they would, if not resisted, subdue South America. . Violent parties

would arise in this country, one for and one against them, and we should have to fight upon our own shores for our own institutions." Adams did not believe that the Holy Alliance had any intention of ultimately attacking the United States; but, if they should subdue the Spanish provinces, they might recolonize them and partition them out among themselves. Russia might take California, Peru, and Chile; France, Mexico, where she had been intriguing to get a monarchy under a prince of the house of Bourbon, as well as at Buenos Ayres, and Great Britain, if she could not resist this course of things, would take at least the island of Cuba as her share of the scramble. Then what would be the situation of the United States-England holding Cuba and France, Mexico? On the other hand, if the allies should interpose and Great Britain successfully oppose them alone, it would throw the colonies completely into her arms and make them her colonies rather than those of Spain. The United States must, therefore, declared Adams, act promptly and decisively. But the act of the Executive could rot after all commit the nation to a pledge of war. This was not contemplated by Canning's proposals. As Great

Britain would not be pledged, by what Canning had proposed, to war, "so would anything now done by the Executive here leave Congress free hereafter to act or not, according as the circumstances of the emergency may require."

On the 25th of November Adams prepared a draft of observations upon the communications lately made by Baron Tuyll. The draft was discussed and amended, and under date of the 27th of November was read to Baron Tuyll. It contained a full exposition of the policy of the United States and concluded with the declaration, "That the United States of America, and their Government, could not see with indifference, the forcible interposition of any European power, other than Spain, either to restore the dominion of Spain. over her emancipated colonies in America, or to establish monarchical governments in those countries, or to transfer any of the possessions heretofore or yet subject to Spain in the American hemisphere, to any other European power."

See Memoirs of J. Q. Adams, VI. 177, 185, 186, 192, 194, 199, 200, 205, 206.
For the text of Adams's memorandum of Nov. 27, 1824, as amended, see

W. C. Ford, in Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Society, Jan. 1902, XV.
405-408; and for the discussion upon it in cabinet, see Adams's
Memoirs, VI. 199-212; 8 Am. Hist. Rev. (Oct. 1902), 41–46.

See, also, Mr. Adams, Sec. of State, to Mr. Rush, min. to England, No. 77,
Nov. 30, 1823, 8 Am. Hist. Rev. (Oct. 1902), 46–48.

As to Adams's reply to Baron Tuyll's note Oct. 16, 1823, see Proceedings
of the Mass. Hist. Society, Jan. 1902, XV. 378.
"If success should favor the allied monarchs, would they be satisfied
with reforming the Government of Spain? Would not the Spanish
colonies, as part of the same empire, then demand their parental
attention? And might not the United States be next considered as
deserving their kind guardianship?" (N. Am. Rev., Oct. 1823, 373.)

V. MONROE'S MESSAGE, DECEMBER 2, 1823.

§ 936.

"At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg, to arrange, by amicable negotiation, the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal has been made by his mperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the United States has been desirous, by this friendly proceeding, of manifesting the great value which they have invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor, and their solicitude to cultivate the best understanding with his Government. In the discussions to which this H. Doc. 551-vol 6-26

interest has given rise, and in the arrangements by which they may terminate, the occasion has been judged proper for asserting as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers. [Paragraph 7, message of December 2, 1823.]

"It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the result has been, so far, very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe with which we have so much intercourse, and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are, of necessity, more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective Governments. And to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. In the war between these new governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered and shall continue to adhere, provided