dignity and composure replied "That as he was conscious of no crime, he had no doubt of being able to make a proper defence, and laying his hand on his breast he cited the appropriate lines:

"Hic murus aheneus esto,

"Nil conscire sibi, nullâ pallescere culpa."

We insert the speeches, on this occasion, both of Mr. Sandys and sir Robert Walpole. They will be found instructive as documents of history, and not barren of rhetorical pretensions. The reply of the minister is a masterly vindication of himself. In this light it must have been considered by the house at the time, for the motion was negatived by a larger than the usual majority. The general style of Walpole's eloquence "is plain, perspicuous, forcible and manly, not courting, yet, not always avoiding metaphorical, ornamental, and classical allusions." But his chief excellence as a parliamentary speaker consisted in quickness of apprehension, sharpness of reply, and in the dexterity and promptitude with which he turned the arguments of his adversaries against themselves. By his contemporaries he is said sometimes to have aspired to the first order of eloquence. The speech, delivered in his defence, we think, one of the happiest of his productions which have descended to us. There can be no doubt of its authenticity, having been discovered in his own writing, among his papers.

SIR,

SPEECH, &c.

AMONG the many advantages arising from our happy form of government, there is one which is reciprocal to king and people, which is, a legal and regular method by which the people may lay their grievances, complaints, and opinions, before their sovereign, not only with regard to the measures he pursues, but also with regard to the persons he employs. In absolute monarchies, the people may suffer, they may complain, but though their sufferings be publick,

their complaints must be private. They must not so much as murmur against their king's measures or ministers. If they do, it is certain perdition to the few that are guilty of so much indiscretion. This is a most terrible misfortune to the people in all absolute monarchies, and occasions those severe punishments and cruel tortures, which are so frequent in all such; but it is a misfortune to the absolute monarch, as well as to the people under his despotick sway; for as he has no way of coming at the knowledge of the unpopularity of his measures or ministers, he often goes on pursuing the same measures, or employing the same ministers, till the discontents of his people become universal and furious; and then, by a general insurrection, he and his ministers are involved in one common ruin. However upright his intentions may have been, however much he may have been imposed on by his ministers, an impetuous, domineering mob can seldom make any difference. The despotick monarch himself, and sometimes his whole family, are born down by the impetuosity of the torrent, and become a sacrifice to the resentment of an injured populance.

In this kingdom, sir, it can never be so, as long as the king allows parliaments to sit regularly and freely, and the members of this house perform faithfully the duty they owe to their king, their constituents, and their country. As members of this house, sir, we are obliged to represent to his majesty, not only the grievances, but the sentiments of the people, with regard to the measures he pursues, and the persons he advises with, or employs, in the executive part of our government; and therefore, whilst we sit here and do our duty, no general discontent can arise, without his majesty's being informed of its causes, and of the methods for allaying it. If we neglect to do so, or from selfish motives abstain or delay giving his majesty a proper information and advice upon any such occasion, we neglect or betray not only our duty to our country and constituents, but also our duty to our sovereign.

This, sir, is my opinion; this must be the opinion of every man, who has a true notion of our constitution, and therefore I can no longer delay making you the motion, with which I shall conclude what I have to say upon this occasion. I believe, there is not a gentleman of this house, who is not sensible, that both the foreign and domestick measures of our government, for several years past, have been dissatisfactory to a great majority of the nation, I may say to almost every man in the nation, who has not been concerned in advising or carrying them on. I believe, there is not a gentleman in this house, if he will freely declare his sentiments, who is not sensible, that one single person in the administration has not only been thought to be, but has actually been the chief, if not the sole adviser and promoter of all those measures. This is known without doors, as well as it is within, and therefore the discontents, the reproaches, and even the curses of the people, are all directed against that single person. They complain of our present measures; they have suffered by past measures; they expect no redress; they expect no alteration or amendment, whilst he has a share in advising or directing our future. These, sir, are the sentiments of the people with regard to that minister. These sentiments we are in honour and duty bound to represent to his majesty; and the proper method for doing this, as established by our constitution, is to address his majesty to remove him from his councils.

Sir, if the general discontent, which hath arisen against this minister, were but of yesterday, or without any just and solid foundation, I should expect it would soon blow over, and therefore should not think it worthy of the notice of parliament; but it has lasted for so many years, was at first so well founded, and has every year since been gathering, from his conduct, so much additional strength, that I have for several sessions expected such a motion, as I am now to make, from some other gentleman, more capable than I am to enforce what he proposes; but as no

gentleman has hitherto attempted it, and as this is the last session of this parliament, I was unwilling it should expire without answering the people's expectations, which, in this respect, are so just, so well founded, and so agreeable to our constitution; therefore, I hope I shall be excused for attempting what I think my duty, as a member of this house, and as a friend to our present happy establishment.

After what I have said, sir, I believe no gentleman can mistake the person I mean. I am convinced every one supposes I mean the honourable gentleman, who sits upon the floor, over-against me; and the whole house may see, he takes it to himself. Against him, there is, I believe, as general a popular discontent, as ever was against any minister in this kingdom; and this discontent has lasted so long, that I must say, his having withstood it for so many years, is no great sign of the freedom of our government; for a free people neither will nor can be governed by a minister they hate or despise. As I am only to propose an address to remove him from his majesty's councils, I have no occasion to accuse him of any crime. The people's being generally dissatisfied with him, and suspicious of his conduct, is a sufficient foundation for such an address, and a sufficient cause for his majesty's removing him from his councils; because, no sovereign of these kingdoms ought to employ a minister, who is become disagreeable to the generality of the people. And when any minister happens to become so, it is our duty to inform his majesty of it, that he may give satisfaction to his people, by the removal of such a minister.

However, sir, though I shall not at present charge this minister with any particular crime, I must beg leave to examine a little into his conduct, in order to show, that the discontents of the people are not without foundation; and if it be true, what was and is still generally supposed, it must be allowed, that the methods, by which he first advanced himself to the high offices he has ever since enjoyed, were such as could not but be offensive to every honest man in the

nation. The making and unmaking the famous bank contract; the screening from condign punishment those who, by their wicked and avaricious execution of the trust reposed in them by the South Sea scheme, had ruined many thousands. The lumping of publick justice, and subjecting the less guilty to a punishment too severe, in order that the most heinous offenders might escape the punishment they deserved; and the giving up to the South Sea company the sum of seven millions sterling, which they had obliged themselves to pay to the publick, a great part of which sum was given to old stockholders, and consequently to those who had never suffered by the scheme; were the steps by which he was supposed to have risen to power, and such steps could not but raise a general distaste at his advancement, and a dread of his administration.

Thus, sir, he entered into the administration with the general disapprobation of the people; and, I am sure, his measures since have been far from restoring him to their love or esteem. As he began, so he has gone on, oppressing the innocent, imposing upon the credulous, screening the guilty, wasting the publick treasure, and endangering the liberties of the people. All this I could evince from every step of his administration, from the beginning to this very day; but I shall confine myself to some general observations, and some of the most remarkable instances. In general I shall observe, that by his advice and influence a much greater army has all along been kept up than was necessary for the support of our government, or consistent with our constitution, and even that army often augmented without any real cause That many squadrons have been fitted out, to the great expense of the nation, and general disturbance of our trade, without any just cause, and, I believe, without so much as a design to employ them effectually, either against our enemies, or for the assistance of our allies: That every method proposed of late years for securing our constitution against its most dangerous enemy, corruption, has been by his