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vernor-General of India, Lord Ellenborough, among the instructions he gave to the conqueror of Scinde, the following, which is both interesting and important:-"The Governor-General is pleased to direct, that all Acts of Parliament for the abolition of slavery, and for the suppression of the slave-trade, shall have full force and effect in every part of Scinde, which is now, or may hereafter be, occupied by the British army." This instruction was issued on the 13th of March, 1843. How many slaves it emancipated we have no returns to show; but we are led to infer that, under the dominion of the Ameers, their condition was deplorable. The instruction embraced the abolition of the slave-trade, as well as slavery. That nefarious traffic had been carried on chiefly by the subjects of the Imaum of Muscat and the Scindians, and was, at times, very considerable.

The next and greatest event took place on the 7th of April, 1843. On that memorable day an act received the sanction of the acting Governor-General in India, the Honourable William Wilberforce Bird, and the Supreme Council, by which all the slaves in the three presidencies of Bengal, Bombay, and Madras, and their dependencies, were declared free, and brought under the protection of the civil and criminal courts, and declared to be entitled to all the privileges of the Queen's subjects. This great act, which liberated millions of slaves, will be celebrated in all coming time, as one of the most noble which has characterized British rule in India. Those only who are fully acquainted with the system of slavery which prevailed in that country, with the diabolical acts and atrocious murders to which it gave rise, and with the deep and awful degradation to which it led, can duly appreciate the value and importance of its abolition. It must produce, in time, the most blessed results. A host of evils as disgusting for their impurity as they are hateful for their impiety, will rapidly disappear. The Christian missionary can now be brought into contact with the most miserable, debased, and helpless of our race, and the holy and benign religion which he teaches win for itself new triumphs among the heathen.

Notwithstanding the stringent and comprehensive measures of the British legislature against slave trading by British subjects, no inconsiderable number were found, both in this and in foreign countries, either directly or indirectly, engaged in it. In Brazil, the Spanish and Dutch colonies, and other portions of the globe, where slavery prevailed, they were discovered holding, buying, and selling slaves. At home, there were joint-stock companies, whose capital was employed in mining operations, the labourers connected with which were slaves. These slaves had been purchased by agents representing these companies, who were continually supplying the wastes of mortality, or the exigencies of the companies, arising from extended operations, by new purchases. It having been considered doubtful whether the consolidated Slavetrade Act of 1824, reached these cases, a measure was enacted in 1843, which extended its provisions to British subjects, "wheresoever residing or being, and whether within the dominions of the British Crown, or of any foreign country." This act went into operation on the 1st day of November, 1843, since when it has been unlawful for British subjects to purchase a slave, or in any way to aid or abet the slave-trade in any part of the world, under the penalty of transportation, when convicted in any court within British jurisdiction.

The same act contained an important provision, relating to a species of slavery which existed at the British settlements, on the GoldCoast, Western Africa,—the "pawn system" as it was termed. In the second clause, it is enacted, "that persons holden in servitude as pledges for debt, and commonly called 'pawns,' or by whatever other name they may be called or known, shall, for the purposes of the said Consolidated Slave-trade Act, and of an act passed in the third and fourth years of the reign of King William IV., (the Slavery Abolition Act,) and of this present act, be deemed and construed to be slaves, or persons intended to be dealt with as slaves." This is an important enactment. It is now unlawful for persons residing in the British settlements or elsewhere, to take persons in pledge, or rather in payment for debts, and to deal with them as slaves.

On the 4th of May, 1843, the Legislative Council at the Cape of Good Hope, issued an important minute in relation to Port Natal, indicating to emigrants the conditions on which alone they would be permitted to settle on that territory. "First: that there shall not be, in the eye of the law, any distinction or disqualification whatever founded on mere distinctions of colour, origin, language, or creed; but that the protection of the law, in letter and in substance, shall be extended impartially to all alike. Secondly: that no aggression shall be sanctioned upon the natives residing beyond

the limits of the colony, under any plea whatever, by any private person or body of men, unless acting under the immediate authority and orders of the government. Thirdly: that slavery, in any shape or under any modification, is absolutely unlawful, as in every other part of Her Majesty's dominions." This minute was rendered necessary by the Dutch Boers having commenced a system of slavery at Port Natal, which, if they could have had their way, would have given rise to a new branch of the slave-trade.

On taking possession of the Chinese island of Hong-Kong, slavery was found to prevail there. It became necessary, therefore, to abolish it, in order to bring the institutions of the new colony into harmony with British law. For this purpose, an ordinance was passed by the governor in council, Sir Henry Pottinger, on the 28th of February, 1844, to define the law relative to slavery in Hong-Kong. By this ordinance, "the laws of England prohibitory of slavery, together with the punishments and penalties provided therein, shall be in full virtue and operation, and shall be duly enforced and inflicted in the said colony." Of course, the importation of slaves is equally forbidden, and subject to appropriate punishments. The enactment of such a law as this cannot fail to have the most salutary influence in China, and may, and we trust will, lead to important results.

There yet remained one spot within the limits of the British dominions, where slavery existed-the island of Ceylon. It was important that government should abolish it there also. In 1842, the great bulk of the slave population became free, by forfeiture to the Crown. The registration law had not been complied with. By this forfeiture about 37,000 slaves were put in possession of their liberty. There still remained to be emancipated in the Kandyan provinces, 379 slaves; and in reference to them, Lord Stanley, in reply to a recent communication from the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society states, "that an ordinance was enacted by the Legislative Council of Ceylon, in the month of December (1844), last and that the ordinance has been allowed, and confirmed by the Queen."

Thus has a final blow been struck at the system of slavery, n all its forms, whether existing in the colonies and settlements of Great Britain in the West Indies, South America, Western and Southern Africa, the Indian and Chinese Oceans, the Straits of Malacca, the coast of Siam, the vast territories of Hindostan, Scinde, the Tenasserin provinces, contiguous to Birmah, and Ceylon. In no part of the British Empire can a slave be legally held-in no part of the British Empire can the slave-trade be carried on-in no part of the world can a British subject now engage in this horrible traffic with impunity; and these glorious triumphs for humanity and for God, have been secured, not by the sword, but by moral, religious, and pacific means only. It is now the duty of British abolitionists to watch over the victories which have been obtained, lest in any part of the British dominions their fruits be lost or unenjoyed. To them the emancipated millions look for counsel and support, in securing the practical working of the laws which have bestowed on them the precious gift of freedom.

We must not measure the great fact of the abolition of slavery throughout the entire British Empire, merely by the good, whether present or prospective, which it has, or may confer; but by the evil and crime which it has prevented. Had slavery remained undisturbed in the British colonies, what an amount of suffering, degradation, and death would have afflicted its victims! Driven to desperation by oppression, they might have filled the islands with conflagration and blood. Instead of beholding them a contented peasantry, increasing in numbers, and proving how worthy they are of the blessings they enjoy, we might have beheld them, in the sullenness of despair, bending under the yoke of the oppressor; or, conscious of their rights, in open revolt, subject to all the murderous atrocities of military law. If we turn to British India, who can calculate the value of the Act of Emancipation there? Not only does it afford a bright example to the native states, by which our territories are surrounded; but the wandering Brinjarrie and the ruffian Thug can no longer perpetrate their evil deeds for supplying the cities and temples with female children. The market is closed to them; the demand for kidnapped children must cease; to infringe the law will entail a heavy punishment; and however much some may lament that they can no longer hold their fellow-creatures as property, millions will rejoice in the protection which the law now gives to them and to their children, and exult in their new and happy condition.

In this brief retrospect of the anti-slavery cause, we have not mentioned the names, either living or dead, of those distinguished

slave ships formerly filled up; but, for the last ten years, Kulwa has gradually been deserted, and all the trade is now carried on at Kebinga. There are regular establishments there for the carrying on the slave-trade; it is the chief port to which the ivory, gum-copal, &c., are brought from the interior, and sent to Zanzibar for sale.

"A custom prevails here amongst the Arabs who have not funds to buy

the natives, and forcibly taking them for sale to the northward. The observed, since I have been here, that the Arabs who procure slaves in slaves so brought away are chiefly children, boys and girls; and I have this way are from the Red Sea and South Coast of Arabia. The Arabs from the pirate coast in the Persian Gulf, yearly take a number of slaves by force from Zanzibar, yet the Imaum is unable to prevent them; he fears to do so."

men, who, under God, have been the chief instruments in effecting this great work. The living, with the venerable Thomas Clarkson at their head, with ripened experience, still pursue the noble object to which they have devoted themselves. Their field of operation is the world; they labour for the universal overthrow of slavery and the slave-trade; and they seek not, as their reward, the praise of men. It would, however, be unjust to the memory of the de-slaves, of going over to the coast of Africa, and seizing and conveying off parted leaders of the cause, if their names were not mentioned with honour. Death has been busy, and has taken from us the most eminent of its advocates: Granville Sharp, William Wilberforce, Andrew Thompson, James Stephen, Zachary Macaulay, Sir John Jeremie, James Cropper, William Allen, and Sir Fowell Buxton, are departed. As the benefactors of their race their works follow them, and are their best eulogy. Nor amongst women must we forget the honoured names of Elizabeth Heyrick, Sophia Sturge, and Elizabeth Fry. All these gave the strength of their youth, and the vigour of riper years, to the cause of the suffering and the oppressed, and have left us an example, that we should follow their steps. May the rising youth of the land catch a double portion of their spirit, and devote themselves to the completion of the great work they so nobly began!

SLAVERY AND THE SLAVE-TRADE IN THE DOMI-
NIONS OF THE IMAUM OF MUSCAT.

The Imaum of Muscat, notwithstanding the very excellent character Mr. Clarkson, the barrister, has recently given him, is, perhaps, the greatest slave-holder and slave-dealer in the world. A large portion of the revenue which he derives from his dominions in Africa and Asia is drawn from the import and export of slaves. Captain Cogan, formerly political agent at Zanzibar, in an official memorandum, dated the 5th December, 1839, says :—

"The financial resources of his Highness are now £80,000 per annum ; £20,000 of which emanates, directly or indirectly, from the sale or purchase of slaves. Of these there are from 45,000 to 50,000 annually sold in the Zanzibar market, about 20,000 of which are exported to Egypt, Arabia, Persia, and the coast of Machersen."

In reference to his Asiatic territories, it is stated, in a communication to government, dated, Kurrak, the 4th March, 1842,

"That the annual importation of slaves to Muscat and Soor is never under 20,000, and is more often near 30,000 souls. Of these, many are carried into the interior, but the greater portion are re-exported in all kinds of vessels, and by all manner of purchasers, chiefly, however, by regular slave-traders, who frequent these towns in order to speculate."

The following extracts, from the report of Captain Hamerton, made to the Bombay Government, in 1842, will further show the extent and character of the slave-trade, as carried on by the Imaum and his subjects, at Zanzibar. Captain H. says:

"The number of slaves imported into Zanzibar from the coast of Africa, subject to the dominion of the Imaum, and for whom duty has been regularly paid at the Custom-house, averages, for the last four years, fifteen thousand yearly; but it is to be observed, that a vast number are imported for whom no duty is paid; for instance, the boats of his Highness the Imaum, and those of his sons, pay no duty on the slaves imported in them from the coast of Africa; and the number imported is very great; they are constantly bringing them over in some of those boats, as many as three and even four hundred. The poor creatures, on their arrival | here, are frequently in a truly miserable state, almost starved to death; they are procured chiefly by the Banian brokers, on the chiefs coming to the coast. These brokers go from Zanzibar to the different ports under the dominion of his Highness the Imaum, and procure the slaves in the following manner :---

"The tribes from the interior who bring down the ivory and gum-copal,

have it all carried by the people they from time to time take in war, and they always barter the slaves along with the articles they have carried from the interior to the coast. Money is not given either for the slaves or for the articles they bring; it is a barter trade. American cloth, beads, muskets, and powder, are the chief articles given in exchange for the slaves; ivory and gum-copal, the principal articles of commerce, from what is usually called the Imaum's African possessions; and the business is chiefly carried on by Banians and Indian Mahomedans, and the slaves, from the time they come into the hands of the broker, are kept at the least possible expense; they barely receive as much food as will keep them alive until they reach the market in Zanzibar.

"The principal place on the coast of Africa, within the dominions of the Imaum, from whence the greatest number of slaves are exported, is a place called Kebinga, about fourteen miles north of Kulwa; but the natives usually call Kebinga, Kulwa. This was the chief port where the

From these extracts it will be seen that the chief sources whence the supply of slaves is obtained for the Zanzibar market, are war and kidnapping; and, although Captain Hamerton does not mention the fact, there can be no doubt that the loss of life connected with this dreadful traffic is, proportionally, as great on the Eastern as on the Western Coast of Africa.

We now give another extract from Captain Hamerton's report, which will show that the subjects of his Highness the Imaum are, according to their means, as much addicted to slavery and the slave-trade as himself:

"All, each, and every one, the subjects of his Highness the Imaum of Muscat are concerned in the slave-trade, being holders of slaves, every person in proportion to his means. Each man possesses from five slaves to two thousand, and from which number they sell as many as from time to time they require, to realise whatever sum or sums of money they may happen to want. A man's wealth and respectability, in the dominions of the Imaum of Muscat, is always estimated by the number of African slaves he is said to possess. The meanest of the Imaum's subjects in Oman and Zanzibar, and on the coast of Africa, whether an Arab or a

half-caste Arab, or a freed man, such freed man being a Mussulman, never dreams of doing any sort of labour when he has once got together sufficient money to purchase a slave, or a number of slaves, after which he lounges about from place to place with a sword under his arm, and calling himself an Arab, appears content to subsist on whatever his slave or slaves may by their labour, or, frequently, by their robbery, procure for him. He has but one care on earth now, to procure the means of obtaining slaves. | Female slaves are rarely kept for any length of time by the subjects of the Imaum. They, in conséquence of the facility of procuring female slaves in the bazaar of Zanzibar, have the opportunity of indulging to the fullest extent their love of variety in women. The meanest ruffian frequently buys a number of young girls in the slave market, with an understanding between him and the broker from whom he buys them, that on their being re-sold within a given time (when he has satisfied that the buyer is to sustain the loss, and these girls are always sold again himself), that, should there be a deficiency on the girls being re-sold, |for exportation to the Persian Gulf, Red Sea, and coast of Arabia; the price they are sold for is from three to eight dollars; a great number die

from the little care taken of them from the time they are brought from the coast of Africa, until they are re-sold, (generally between the months of February and April, when the vessels coming from the northward, leave Zanzibar.) The male slaves, on their arrival at Zanzibar, are sold by the people who buy them to the different shambas or farms, all over the island; and until the time arrives when their owners sell them as they require, and retain as many as are necessary for domestic servants, or labourers on the farms; some are brought up to trades-blacksmiths, car penters, &c.; their masters receive whatever they may earn. The only article of food given to the slaves by their masters, is dried shark-fish and mohego (cassada); and for clothing, as much American cloth as is sufficient to hide their nakedness."

How many horrors does this statement reveal! The portions we have marked cannot fail to excite attention; they clearly point

out the hideous features of slavery as it exists in Zanzibar. We
once more revert to Captain Hamerton's Report, for the purpose of
completing the official statements of this functionary in relation to
slavery and the slave-trade, as they exist at the seat of the govern-
In a despatch to Lord Aberdeen, dated
ment of the Imaum.
January 2, 1844, he observes:-

"In the island of Zanzibar and the adjacent island of Pemba, the population is estimated at about 450,000, of which only nineteen are white, American and English merchants; but three white women,—one the wife of a merchant, and the other two are concubines brought from England by the captain of the Imaum's ship the Sultaneh; about 800 Arabs, and 800 Banians and Indian Mahomedans (free, copper-coloured men); females as three to one man; about 400 free Arab women; the number of free black women unknown, but it is very small. About one-fifth of the whole population are considered free. The population increased from 1832 to 1837, and has since increased, The people

are growing rich, and able to buy more slaves to cultivate cloves,
the chief article now cultivated, and from which considerable profit
is derived in a few years. The cultivation of sugar is increasing, and, of
course, a much greater number of slaves will be required. For the last
ten years, slaves have every year been brought into Zanzibar, from the
coast of Africa and from Madagascar-at least 20,000 every year.
deaths amongst the agricultural slaves is very great, from twenty-two to
thirty per cent. yearly!"'

The

tories of the Imaum of Muscat supplied the market at Quillemaine with slaves, whence they are usually shipped to Brazil.

"At the entrance of Quinzungo," he says, "there is a barracoon for slaves, as well as between it and Quillemaine; it has always on hand a great stock of slaves, so that a vessel arriving in the river can, in twentyfour hours, complete her cargo. They sometimes go into the river for that purpose, at other times take them in outside the bar-the river being well provided with long-boats, so that they can take a cargo out at one trip.

Here is a vast mortality. Truly, human life is cheap indeed at Zanzibar. The price of Africans at Zanzibar is as follows:-Boys, "I do not think the slave-trade is carried on with any activity in this from seven to ten years of age, seven to fifteen dollars; from ten to channel; but at Quillemaine, and the small ports in the vicinity of that twenty years old, fifteen to thirty dollars; full-grown men, seven-place, slaves are always to be had at about thirty dollars each, and at the teen to twenty dollars. Women are more valuable, the price sometimes being as high as thirty-five dollars.

The residence of Captain Hamerton at Zanzibar appears to have led the Imaum to the decent practice of burying the dead slaves, who were cast out upon the beach to be devoured by dogs. The fact is thus stated by this gentleman :

"I beg to mention that when I first arrived here, it was not the custom to inter the slaves; they were always thrown out on the beach when they died, and were devoured by the dogs of the town; but, on my continually talking to the Imaum on the shameful practice, contrary to the laws of God and man, as I used to tell him, he has caused all dead bodies to be buried. I have seen fifty dead Africans, men and women, lying on the beach, and the dogs of the place tearing them to pieces, as one sees the carrion eaten by the dogs in India."

But we are told that this high-minded prince, whose virtues are blazoned forth at the police-offices of the metropolis by Mr. Clarkson, the barrister, is most honestly discharging his duties towards this country, in the fulfilment of his treaty engagements for the suppression of the slave-trade. Nothing, we believe, can be farther from the truth than this. Adverting to this very point, Captain Hamerton says:

"With respect to the suppression, or even the amelioration of the slavetrade, which is carried on by the subjects of his Highness the Imaum, and other chiefs on the coast of Africa, nothing can ever be effected by negociation. The Imaum has not the power to interfere in the matter, even were he willing to do so; but he is not."

the shortest notice. The market at Quillemaine is in some measure supplied by the dows belonging to the territory of the Imaum of Muscat, which bring slaves along the coast from the interior. There were several detained at Mozambique when I was there.”

But for the statement of Mr. Clarkson, the barrister, and the facts which have recently transpired on the river Thames, we should not have troubled our readers at so great a length with the slavetrading practices of the Imaum and his subjects. We must, however, in order to complete our statements, add one fact more, which is this:-Lord Aberdeen transmitted to Captain Hamerton, at the close of the year 1844, the draft of a treaty for the suppression of the slave-trade, which reserves to the Imaum the right of carrying on the slave-trade to any extent "between the port of Lamoo, to the north; and the port of Kulwa, to the south; including the islands of Zanzibar, Pemba, and Monfea;" thus leaving open to the ravages of this monstrous traffic about 500 miles of the Eastern Coast of the African Continent. Such a treaty can be of no possible use; and, however it may be attempted to be glossed over by the government, it contains an implied sanction of the traffic within the limits indicated. Besides, it strikes us as perfectly absurd that the Imaum should be expected to treat that as a crime if carried on with Arabia, the Red Sea, and the Persian Gulf, which it is to be regarded as innocent if carried on with Zanzibar, Pemba, and Monfea, where the greatest demand for slaves exists. It appears also equally absurd that his Highness should be invited to use his utmost influence with the chiefs eastward of his African possessions

In a subsequent communication to the Bombay Government to prevent the introduction of slaves from Africa into their respecCaptain H. writes as follows::

tive territories, when the Imaum himself is to be allowed to import them into his own to his heart's content. We venture to think it would have better become the dignity of her Majesty's Government to have used their influence with the Imaum to terminate the system of slavery in his dominions, and to have taught him to depend for his revenue on legitimate commerce and the resources of the soil, rather than on the enslavement of his fellow-men, and on that guilty traffic for which he can find no authority even in the Koran.

"With reference to the third paragraph of your letter, I have to assure you, for the information of the Governor in Council, that I have on various and many occasions, whenever the least opportunity offered for my so doing, always tried to impress upon the Imaum, and also upon his sons, the great interest the people of England felt for the suppression of slavery, and of the success of the measure in many parts of the world, and of the hope the people of England entertained of his Highness's co-operation for the extinction of the trade; but I should feel that I was deceiving government if I did otherwise than assure you, that I always but too plainly saw how unpleasant the subject was to his Highness and his people. He always talked in this way: that the Koran, the word of God, as the Imaum calls it, sanctioned it; and the Arabs-of all Mahomedans, the MANUFACTURE OF ARTICLES FROM FREE-GROWN people considered by the Almighty as most deserving of favour-had a right to enslave infidels; and, moreover, his Highness frequently says to me, 'I well know the English have the power to stop the conveying slaves by sea, but it will bring upon them the curse of all Islam (Mahomedans); Arabs won't work; they must have slaves and concubines; but I see the English will soon do something.''

The fact is, the Imaum is avarcious. He will consent to abandon the export slave-trade if the government will grant him £20,000 per annum, his estimated income from the traffic; and will aid him in the preservation of his dominions, against other and hostile chiefs. The government has offered him, we regret to say, £2,000 a-year, and the island of Bahrein; but it is evident that he hopes to make better terms, although, probably, if he has not by this time, he will, ultimately, accept them, and then find the means, as he has hitherto done, of evading them.

The latest treaty for the suppression of the slave-trade between this country and the Imaum, simply gave our cruisers the power to capture such of his vessels as were found with slaves on board, beyond a direct line drawn from Cape Delgado, passing two degrees seaward of the island of Socotara and ending at Papein." He might ship by any other vessel, to any extent for which there might be a demand. By a previous treaty he had engaged to prohibit his subjects from "the selling of slaves to all sects of Christians." But he violated his engagements whenever an opportunity presented itself. On the 5th of May, 1843, Captain Christopher, of the Cleopatra, communicated the fact to the Hon. J. Percy, the admiral on the station, that the vessels belonging to the terri

COTTON.

We give insertion with much pleasure to the following address, which is in course of extensive private circulation :— TO THE FRIENDS OF THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE

TRADE AND SLAVERY.

It is cause for devout thankfulness to the Almighty, that, by his blessing on the efforts of those who laboured for the abolition of the Anglo-African slave-trade and of British colonial slavery, those dreadful evils have both been abolished by law. We can and do rejoice, that the shores of Africa can no longer be infested with impunity, by the man-stealer from our country; that nearly 800,000 of our fellow subjects, once held as slaves in the British colonies, have been emancipated; and that millions who were lately bondmen in British India are now legally free.

These gratifying and cheering results of past labours should lead us to pursue with increased energy what remains to be done in the great work of emancipation, beyond the limits of the British empire. Let none hastily, and without due consideration of the subject, conclude that British abolitionists can do little or nothing to hasten the termination of slavery, in countries subject to foreign rule. We believe there are many ways in which this may be done. Among these, we may refer to the practicability of calling the attention of persons in foreign lands to the crime of slavery, and to those dreadful evils which are inseparable from its existence. We may also point out to them the duty, the safety, and the advantages of emancipation. But we desire, at present, to direct attention to one painful fact, connected with the establishment and increase

of foreign slavery, and to state the course which we think should be adopted, both in order to avoid a continued implication in the crime, and to discourage a system which we so strongly reprobate. It can, we believe, be clearly shown, that American slavery is principally supported by the demand of Great Britain for the cotton of the United States. Allow us, then, briefly to state the extent and some of the revolting circumstances of the slave system in America, and to adduce proof of the assertion, that the people of England are largely implicated in its encouragement.

The slave population of the United States of America may be estimated at 2,800,000. This large number of our fellow-men, whose right to liberty is no less sacred than our own, are cruelly - coerced to toil for the benefit of others. With worse than savage barbarity, the marriage relation among these victims of oppression is not recognised by law; hence those who morally sustain the relation of husbands and wives are often separated for life, by the sale of one or both, at the will of their "owner," to places distant from each other. The ties of parent and child are equally disregarded, as might be expected from those who scruple not to sever the conjugal relation. In addition to this disregard of the social rights and of the common feelings of humanity, slaves are debarred from an acquaintance with even the rudiments of knowledge, lest they should thereby become acquainted with their wrongs, and learn how to escape from them. To teach a slave to read is punishable with severe penalties, and in one slave state, (Louisiana,) death is the legal penalty for a second offence. For attempting to escape from bondage, the laws of all the slave states allow the life of the slave to be taken by the pursuers, if he cannot otherwise be secured; and imprisonment or death is the penalty inflicted on those who aid a slave in his escape from bondage.

The American domestic slave-trade, which is carried on between the various slave states, is in some of its features too revolting for detail. By this trade it has been estimated that no less than 70,000 persons are annually sold, the greater portion taken from the place of their birth to more fertile regions, and to severer toil, and in a multitude of instances, subjected to those cruel separations of the nearest domestic ties to which we have before alluded. To all who recognise the principle that to hold an innocent fellow-being in slavery is criminal in the sight of God, we need scarcely say, that it is a Christian duty to avoid, as far as possible, all participation in, or encouragement of, the crime.

In stating our belief that the consumers of articles produced by slave labour are accessories to the maintenance of the whole system of which some features have been described, we advance no new doctrine. During the early struggle for the abolition of the slavetrade, in the latter part of the last century, the friends of that cause, as we have been informed, published and circulated tens of thousands of copies of a small tract recommending the disuse of sugar, at that time exclusively produced by slave labour. In this tract we think it was satisfactorily shown, that a small number of families, by their ordinary consumption of sugar, afforded the motive for the removal of one slave from Africa, and that, consequently, by abstinence from sugar on the part of a considerable number of families, the ravages of the slave-trade might be expected to be materially lessened. Thomas Clarkson, in his "History of the Abolition of the Slavetrade," estimates the number of persons in Great Britain who voluntarily abandoned the use of sugar at the period to which we refer, at 300,000. In addition to the reasons that have been already named for substituting, as much as possible, free-grown for slave-grown produce, it is manifest that in so doing, the subject of slavery would be much more frequently brought under the notice of our countrymen, and a standing protest be held up against it.

We have already stated, in concurrence with the testimony of some of the most eminent friends of the slave in the United States, and undeniable facts, that the demand for the cotton of that country in Great Britain has been a chief means of perpetuating and extending slavery in America. Shortly after the declaration of American independence, there was much ground to hope that slavery would not long exist in the Union. The tide of public opinion, which had already led to acts for the abolition of slavery in several of the northern states, was directed with considerable force against it; there were at that time few articles of export produced by slaves in the states of great pecuniary value. In 1790, the number of slaves was 657,000, and the cotton exported, 189,000lbs. In 1843, the number of slaves was estimated at 2,847,810; the cotton exported was 1,081,919,000lbs.; and unless the most vigorous means

be used to stay this mighty evil, it is impossible to calculate what may be its future extension. Shall we then continue to uphold and furnish an inducement for the maintenance of this vast system of crime and misery which we profess to deplore and abhor? Humanity, justice, and religion, forbid us so to do; and we therefore confidently cherish the hope that, as one means of discountenancing slavery, many of our countrymen and countrywomen will now be found willing and determined, as far as in them lies, to relinquish the use of American slave-grown cotton. Nor will they, we trust, be less resolute in reference to other articles, the produce of slavelabour, among which we may specially reckon Carolina rice and tobacco in all its forms.

By such a course as the above, (which we strongly recommend,) they will not only individually perform that which appears to be a manifest duty, but will encourage the efforts of those friends of the slave in America who deem it right thus to act. The number of these is, we learn, decidedly on the increase. We are glad to be able to inform those into whose hands this may fall, that an attempt is being made in this country to obtain a supply of articles manufactured exclusively from cotton the produce of free labour. It has been ascertained that some highly respectable manufacturers are willing to aid in carrying out the wishes of some friends of the anti-slavery cause in this country, in making such an article, which will be distinguished by a mark, to show its genuineness. In the first instance, the number of articles produced will be small; but, if encouragement be given to the attempt, a greater variety will hereafter be manufactured and offered for sale.

It has been already ascertained that the members of several antislavery societies to whom this subject has been submitted, cordially sympathise in the object it recommends.

We respectfully commend the subject to the consideration of the friends of the cause generally. It is, perhaps, unnceessary to add, that those who promote the object have no intention of deriving a profit themselves from the sale of free labour articles. They may be exposed to some loss, and will be glad if any of their friends incline to share with them the risk of the experiment.

Before we close this appeal, we deem it proper to state, that whilst we consider it a duty to abstain, as far as possible, from the use of articles produced by the labour of slaves, as one means of discouraging a wicked system, we deem it no less incumbent upon us to persevere in the use of those moral means, which, in our opinion, should be unceasingly employed until slavery shall be everywhere utterly abolished.

JOSEPH J. GURNEY, Norwich.
GEORGE THOMAS

Bristol.

JOSEPH EATON,

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expiration of engagement, desertionss, absences and sickness pre- render 300 days service throughout the year, before their engagevailing on estates." ment should be considered finished, and their agreement cancelled;"

The total population in the colony, available as labourers, the and "to allow the term of imprisonment, if any labourers be exposed committee state to be as follows:

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The number of Indians employed in agriculture is estimated at 35,000; but from this must be deducted for deserters, 2,100; absentees, 3,850; change of master, 700; and sickness, 2,800; total, 9,450; which, substracted from 35,000, leaves but 25,550 working hands for the estates, exclusive of the emancipated slaves. This statement is somewhat modified by a return made to the governor, from which it appears that on the 8th of March, 1845, the number of labourers employed in the colony was as follows:Indians 34,028 Creoles

Chinese and others

4,261 768

39,057

But this return does not distinguish those employed on estates from those employed in town, or in domestic offices. The absentees, for more than a fortnight, are stated to be 2,507; under a fortnight, 1,609; and sick, 2,107; total, 6,223. What, therefore, may be the exact strength of the labouring population employed in the cultivation of sugar cannot be stated; it may probably amount to 30,000.

We now return to the statements of the committee: they say, "that under the existing system of introducing and engaging immigrants, the present demand for labourers will not cease." They state the case thus: Supposing the number of labourers in the colony at the commencement of 1845 be 46,000, and that an additional 6,000 be added by immigration every year, for eight successive years, there will be fewer hands in the colony in 1852, than at the beginning of 1845, viz., 44,384; for they calculate the mortality will, during that period, amount to 15,214, and the departures to 34,432; in all, 49,646, which will more than cover the 48,000 proposed to be introduced. The committee estimate "the expense of introducing yearly 6,000 men, with their wives and children, and of maintaining the immigration establishment here (Mauritius) and in India, at £50,000." Thus an additional £300,000 must be spent out of the public taxes to keep up the strength of the gangs on the sugar estates; and beyond this, the colonial government is pledged to find the means for re-conveying to India the 34,432 Coolies whose period of engagement will expire within the next eight years. Those means must be found by additional taxation. But the committee say: "The revenue applicable to immigration purposes will scarcely suffice to introduce 6,000 men annually, and the colony is already burthened with heavy taxes, which it is not desirable to increase." And this view of the subject the governor, Sir William Gomm, fully confirms.

Such, then, is the position of Mauritius. She owes the Colonial Treasury £284,774; she has to raise about £50,000 per annum in additional taxes, over and above that required for the general civil expenditure of the colony; and within the next eight years to provide a return passage to India for 35,000 Coolies. It is absurd to believe she will be able to do this. What then? Why, she must resort to a loan, and mortgage her revenue for an indefinite period to come, to pay off the interest and principal. And still the evil will continue. Such an emigration from India as that which is at present carried on, is self-destructive every five

years.

But what is the remedy proposed by the committee for this state of things? Why, "the further introduction of labourers to such an extent as to create competition for employment;" but as the whole of the expense of such an operation cannot be borne by the community at large, they suggest that "the annual engagements" of the Coolies shall be extended to "five or three years," in which case the planters "would probably be willing to pay a considerable proportion of the expense incurred in bringing in as many labourers as they require;" and, in addition, they ask for more stringent laws, and a better police "to ensure discipline and regularity on the estates." What is meant by this, is thus explained :"A better vagrancy law, and a more efficient police." 'An enactment to prevent persons from employing Indians without an engagement, sud to punish employers for not reporting absentees." "A system of passports." "A provision to oblige labourers to

to that punishment, to be counted as part of their year's engagement." The committee do not absolutely recommend all these items, but they specify them in their report as desired by the planters. Why not re-enact slavery at once? We affirm that the existing vagrancy law is as stringent as it ought to be, if any regard is to be had to the liberty of the subject; and that any innovation on the present contract law, especially such as that proposed, would place the Coolies wholly within the power of the planters, both as it respects rates of wages and quantity of work. At present, the labourer can change his employer at the end of twelve months' service, and avail himself of any advance in the rate of wages in the labour market. But under the proposed arrangements he would have no such power. He could not leave a bad master; he could not leave an unhealthy locality; he could not better his condition; he could not even return to India, at his own expense, if he pleased; in fact, he would be subject to the tender mercies of those whose only object, in introducing him into the colony, is their own profit. It gratifies us to perceive that Sir William Gomm does not second the views of the committee. In a diffuse minute on the subject, he says, he "holds with the protector, Mr. Anderson, that the time is not arrived for proceeding to legislate in the spirit of innovation in this all important matter;" with Messrs. Self and Elliot, "that not vagrancy, but mis-employment is the great prevailing bane, and the great abuse to be corrected by authority ;" and with Messrs. Self and Randall, "that the present arrangement is best." His excellency further adds, "I attach importance to the testimony of stipendiary magistrates Kelly and Randall, that they observe fewer and less grave complaints, preferred both by master and by servants under the one year's engagement than under the five;" and subscribes to the opinion of "Mr. Seignette, and abundance of others, that Sirdar tyranny, and all that proceeds from it, calls for the gravest solicitude, and the controlling agency of government.” There is some mystery in this "Sirdar tyranny," which we should be glad to have explained. It is evident that it is not exercised on the planters, for the Sirdars become the tools by which they work in procuring the immigrants on their arrival, and decoying them from one estate to another. The governor refers to the power of the Sirdars as being almost omnipotent. He says, "they exercise unlimited control and influence over the labourers;" and states, "a very painful instance is before the world, in the proceedings of late trial by the Court of Assizes, of the thraldom by which the mind of an Indian is liable to be held by his superiors on estates, whether of his own country or another, to suit a purpose." Not having the report of the trial to which Sir William Gomm refers, we cannot inform our readers in what manner Sirdar omnipotence was exercised, nor for what purposes.

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On the subject of police, the governor says, he is sure the committee will see with him "the extreme danger and manifest incongruity involved in our countenancing any approach to even an appearance of a desire to correct an agency, created for the prompt and energetic repression and correction of occasional abuse, into an engine of extensive coercion, and an ever active stimulus to the operations of free labour." "And," he adds, "let us take good heed lest, in whatever we do in the matter, we lay ourselves open to a charge, even by implication, from our detractors, and more than our detractors, of inviting the Indian Government to send its people into captivity among us." We can well bear the terms levelled by his excellency against us, and rejoice that our influence is not wholly unfelt even in Mauritius. Not content with the report of the committee to which we have hitherto referred, a body of Mauritius planters and merchants addressed a long letter to Sir William Gomm on the 20th of February, 1845, in which they set forth their grievances in detail. Here is a statement of particulars :—

"We cannot too urgently express to your excellency the pressing necessity and exigency' of something being done. They make themselves more and more felt every day, and we cannot believe it needful to enter into a statement of individual corroborations or arrays of figures to

prove the fact. It is notorious that no competition whatever exists among

the population for the employment offered them every hour; that, on the contrary, great and ruinous competition for their services, under which wages have universally risen, exists among the employers, and that much of the time and attention of every proprietor or manager of an estate is absorbed by the search for men; that many have representatives daily at the depôt, and are equally on the alert to engagements in the country; and that bands are obtained from time to time, only after repeated delays and disappointments, in spite of the extravagant wages offered, only by a

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