well supplied. But in some cases it happens that the deacons are wanting in these qualifications; and then they introduce ministers to the pulpit with great indiscretion, and ultimately proceed to an election, in a manner that leads to "confusion and every evil work."

In the issue, the cause often suffers, good is hindered, the minds of the pious are pained, the church is divided, and Christ is "wounded in the house of his friends." And all this is thrown upon Independent principles. "See," say our opponents, "what are the fruits of the democratic principle in church government;" whereas these evils are not to be attributed to the principle, but to the improprieties of those who undertake to work them.

The theory of an Independent church proceeds on the assumption that EVERY MEMBER IS A SINCERE CHRISTIAN. If he be this, there is in that fact a guarantee that the power put in his hand will not be abused; but if a bad man be admitted to our communion, then the democratic principle puts into his hand a mighty power for mischief. The church that so far departs from its rules and duty as to admit any to its fellowship without credible evidence of their conversion, is making a scourge for itself. Hence, as a pre-requisite to the scriptural choice of a minister, great care should be taken that the power to choose should be given to none but to those who are qualified, by the possession of true religion, to use it aright.

If a church so constituted be called on to exercise its right in the election of a pastor, the following rules might be observed with advantage:

1. Let no minister be introduced as a candidate until he is known. If he be a student, the recommendation of his tutors may be taken as a pledge of the propriety of his introduction; but if he be a minister who has been previously engaged, his character, his conduct, his preaching, ruling, and visiting aptitudes, the success or failure of his past ministry, the reason for his wishing to remove, and all that is knowable of this description, should be inquired into, and as far as possible understood, before he be even asked to supply the pulpit for a single Sabbath. The want of this precaution has desolated many a fair prospect, and ruined many a promising cause.

2. Let no minister be introduced merely on private or personal grounds.

Even the claims of benevolence, strong

and sacred as they are, must not be listened to in this case, if they alone plead; much less must we allow friendship to dictate our selection. All private considerations must be lost sight of in our concern for the public good. However much we may compassionate a man's necessities, and however strongly we may be attached to his person, we ought never to consent to his introduction to a vacant pulpit, unless convinced that he is adapted to that sphere of labour, and qualified by heart, mind, and voice, to secure the ends for which the ministry was instituted. 3. Let there be no canvassing.

The canvasser invades the liberty of the canvassed. By his intrusion, an element is thrown into the question which ought never to have existed there. The only anxiety should have been,-" How shall I best please God?" Now there is a twofold concern-" How shall I please God and my friend!" If the power of human friendship, or of personal interest, be greater than that of Christian principle, the main question is lost sight of, and the will of God in the matter is virtually set aside.

The canvasser who goes busying himself up and down in the church, to get votes or signatures for a favourite candidate, presents to the world the election of a Christian minister in the light of a party contest, instead of exhibiting it as a Christian duty of great solemnity and responsibility. By his efforts to bias others, and bring them round to his own views, he seems to say that he cannot trust God to influence the minds of his own people, so as to bring them to a right decision; or else he betrays some apprehension that the decision which God may procure may not be the one which he wishes. For the sake, then, of leaving the liberties of Christ's disciples untouched-for the purpose of presenting the proceeding to the world in its right light-and in order to show that, in practice as well as in theory, we can confide to the guidance of God's unerring spiritlet there be no canvassing.

4. When a church-meeting is to be held for the purpose of adopting any steps in this business, let the greatest publicity be given to the notice calling it.

A packed jury is bad enough, a packed church-meeting is incomparably worse. The one is a violation of the laws of England; the other, of the laws of Christ. The one invades the liberties of Britons; the other trenches on the charter of Christians. It is not enough that the

bare letter of law or rule be followed: this may be done, and yet the spirit of the rule may be grossly violated. To give notice of a church-meeting, at which the choice of a minister is to be decided on, at a time when not half the members are there to hear it-to take care and give information to those absentees who are known to be favourable to a given line of proceeding, and to keep others in ignorance of the meeting who are suspected of a want of sympathy in that direction-or to call a meeting to be held on an evening, or at an hour when it is known that certain members, whose voices and votes are feared, cannot possibly be present-is to pursue a crooked course of policy, intrigue, and darkness, such as never ought to be heard of in connexion with the government of an Independent church. It would be well, in order to prevent the possibility of ignorance or mistake, if, in addition to giving notice from the pulpit in the most public manner on the Sabbath, the deacons were to prepare a circular, stating distinctly the object for which the meeting was to be held, together with the place and hour of meeting, and then were to send a copy of such circular to every member on the church-book, at least three or four days before the time of meeting.

5. Let a neighbouring minister be invited to preside on the occasion.

Of course care should be taken to select a man who knows how to rule in the church of God; a man of sound discretion and impartiality, in whose wise and orderly mode of conducting the meeting, the church would have confidence. Such a president could, at the commencement, point out to the members the sacredness and responsibility of the trust committed to them-the motives by which they should be influenced-the one all-absorbing object they should seek-the manner and spirit in which they should proceedand the conduct incumbent on the minority as soon as the question is fairly settled. He could secure for each member who wished to express an opinion in a right spirit, a fair hearing; and for each legitimate proposition a fair expression of the church's will. The presidency of such a chairman would put an effectual check on unseemly personalities, the imputation of dishonourable motives, and all the improprieties by which such meetings are occasionally marked.

6. Let special prayer-meetings be held for Divine direction.

"Pray ye, therefore, the Lord of the harvest that he will send forth labourers into his harvest." The choice of men to be ministers, their qualification for the work, their appointment to particular spheres of labour, and their efficiency and success when there, are all in the gift of the Lord of the harvest. In theory all our churches admit this; let destitute churches take care that in practice they do not deny it. If God be not consulted, and his direction not sought in this business, it is no marvel that he should leave churches to "walk in the light of their own fire, and amid the sparks of their own kindling." A large proportion of the evils which have resulted from unhappy unions between pastors and churches might have been entirely avoided if vacant churches had put the selection of their minister more entirely into God's hands-had been willing to accept the man of his choice-and had sought, by special earnest prayer, that God would send him to them, and incline their hearts to him.

7. Let each member give his vote as in the sight of God, and as responsible to him alone for the use he makes of it.

Every consideration of a party character, and all thought about private friendships or personal interests, should be laid aside. The mere worldly circum stances or family connections of a candidate-even his own talent, if it be not a talent for usefulness, and associated with those elements of heart and character, that will insure its employment for the conversion of sinners and the improvement and establishment of saints-should not be allowed the weight of a feather. Is he a man after God's own heart-the most likely to labour successfully in winning souls to Christ-the most likely to advance all the spiritual interests of the church? These are questions that should throw all other considerations into the shade; and with such questions before his mind, every member should give a conscientious vote according to the best judgment he is able to form.

8. As soon as the election is over, and the business is settled, let the minority yield.

For want of this, many a minister's life is embittered, many a church is distracted, and the cause of God is hindered. The practice of a minority separating from the parent church, and going off to form a new interest, simply because they could not carry their own point, is fraught with mischiefs of the most serious cha

racter. There is at once an end of all orderly government in our churches if the minority refuse to yield, and that with a Christian spirit too, to the decisions of the majority. A minority who should act in this way would be liable, on its own principles, to everlasting divisions. Our principles have been scandalised more than enough because selfwilled persons, refusing to submit to the decisions of their brethren, have gone on splitting and dividing until nothing was left to be divided. Not only should not a minority separate from their brethren, they should not in any way attempt to interfere with the successful working of the plans which the majority have adopted. Nor would it be a triumph of Christian principle greater than what we are warranted to look for, if the minority, when a question is fairly settled against them, should throw all their energies into the opposite scale, and be as much concerned for the happy and successful issue of their brethren's preferences as they would have been for their own, if they had been adopted instead. Let every member charge it upon his soul as a solemn duty, that if, in the choice of a pastor, he should find himself in the minority, as soon as ever the question is properly settled, he should instantly yield. When the minister of the church's selection comes, let him be among the first to welcome him. In all his efforts to do good, let him be among his most active helpers. On his ministry let him attend with undeviating regularity. And while he thus proves to others that his opposition was not factious or frivolous, he will find to his own satisfaction that God can abundantly bless to his soul the ministration of his pastor, though he was not at first the man of his choice. JOHN CORBIN.

Derby, June 9, 1851.

THE LONDON PEACE CONGRESS. SINCE the time of Henry the Fourth of France, nothing worthy the name has been attempted, by systematically improving the intercourse of Christian Europe, for abolishing the atrocious war system that has for so many ages disgraced, and frequently desolated, its nations. That excellent monarch proposed a meeting of European sovereigns, or their representatives, in order to form a plan for the pacific solution of all their international differences, and had obtained the adhesion of a large majority of them, including our own Queen Elizabeth, and arranged for their assembling, when the hand of the assassin terminated his life, and frustrated his noble project. From that period to the present hour the great

interests of the millions of Europe have been at the mercy of political diplomatists; who, subject to every fitful caprice of jealousy or ambition, have on frequent occasions plunged them into most murderous conflicts,-created or fostered unnatural animosities between them,-and so exhausted their industrious resources as to compel some of their governments to break faith with the national creditor; and conducted others so near the brink of this disgrace as to render it, at this very hour, a matter of grave probability that a similar dishonour may yet be the issue of impending liabilities.

It is, therefore, time, on all accounts, that the interests of Europe and of the world were transferred, from the hands of mere politicians, to those of other men; or, at least, so surrounded by the mild influences of Christianity, that disgraceful wars-among people, professing in numerous instances the same faith, and nearly equal in point of civilization-may never occur again. But who shall do this work? Who should "come up to the help of the Lord against" this "mighty" system of wickedness, but those who are pledged, by their name and profession, to carry out the designs of the Redeemer in this fallen world?

Hence, it is a matter of sincere congratulation that the enlightened Christian people, of this and other lands, are beginning to feel that it is their duty to take this question in hand; and, no longer waiting for worldly politicians to do their work, they are girding up their loins to do the work themselves. In England, Germany, Belgium, and even in France, the conviction is rapidly gaining ground, that religion can have no sympathy with deeds of blood; and that what is not rational and humaue, all who profess the Christian faith are bound to execrate.

The result of this conviction is apparent in the wide-spread interest taken in Peace Congresses, three of which have already been held, and the fourth is to assemble in London during the present month. In Belgium, France, and Germany, the attention of thousands has been directed to the question of Universal Peace; who, but for these assemblies, would never, in all probability, have thought upon the subject. Their discussions have been circulated by the Press through the length and breadth of the Continent; and since they assembled, Professors from their chairs, and Editors in their journals, have united with a goodly array of Divines in demonstrating the proposition that war is not consistent with "reason, humanity, or religion."

The fourth great Congress will be held this month in Exeter Hall; and it will imply a ɛerious neglect in influential quarters, if it does not become the most Christian, as well as the most numerous assembly ever collected to deliberate on this important subject. It will be a noble sight to witness grave and earnest men from all parts of Europe and America, met in solemn council to devise plans for the overthrow of war throughout the earth; and as it is of the very greatest importance that the Congress should be supplied with the Christian element as extensively as possible, it may be hoped that our Churches, Sunday School Unions, and Christian Literary Institutes, will forthwith appoint their representatives, and thus render this great service to the world. In several parts of the country this has been already done; and we

trust that our Pastors, Deacons, and Superintendents, in every portion of the land, will adopt measures to demonstrate to the world what can be done by Christian Britain on behalf of the interests of Universal Peace. J. S.

MILTON'S OPINION OF CROMWELL. OLIVER CROMWELL was sprung from a line of illustrious ancestors, who were distinguished for the civil functions which they sustained under the monarchy, and still more for the part which they took in restoring and establishing true religion in this country. In the vigour and maturity of his life, which he passed in retirement, he was conspicuous for nothing more than for the strictness of his religious habits, and the innocence of his life; and he had tacitly cherished in his breast that flame of piety which was afterwards to stand him in so much stead on the greatest occasions, and in the most critical exigencies.

In the last parliament which was called by the king, he was elected to represent his native town; when he soon became distinguished by the justness of his opinions, and the vigour and decision of his counsels. When the sword was drawn, he offered his services, and was appointed to a troop of horse, whose numbers were soon increased by the pious and the good, who flocked from all quarters to his standard; and in a short time he almost surpassed the greatest generals in the magnitude and the rapidity of his achievements. Nor is this surprising; for he was a soldier disciplined to perfection in the knowledge of himself. He had either extinguished, or by habit had learned to subdue, the whole host of vain hopes, fears, and passions, which infest the soul. He first acquired the government of himself, and over himself acquired the most signal victories; so that on the first day he took the field against the external enemy, he was a veteran in arms, consummately practised in the toils and exigencies of war.

It is not possible for me, in the narrow limits in which I circumscribe myself on this occasion, to enumerate the many towns which he has taken, the many battles which he has won. The whole surface of the British empire has been the scene of his exploits, and the theatre of his triumphs; which alone would furnish ample materials for a history, and want a copiousness of narration not inferior to the magnitude and diversity of the transactions. This alone seems to be a sufficient proof of his extraordinary and almost supernatural virtue, that by the vigour of his genius, or the excellence of his discipline, adapted, not more to the necessities of war than to the precepts of Christianity, the good and the brave were from all quarters attracted to his camp, not only as to the best school of military talents, but of piety and virtue; and that during the whole war, and the occasional intervals of peace, amid 80 many vicissitudes of faction and of events, He retained and still retains the obedience of his troops, not by largesses or indulgence, but by his sole authority, and the regularity of his pay. In this instance his fame may rival that of Cyrus, of Epaminondas, or any of the great generals of antiquity. Hence he collected an army as numerous and as well equipped as any one ever did in so short a time; which was uniformly obedient to his orders, and dear to the affections

of the citizens; which was formidable to the enemy in the field, but never cruel to those who laid down their arms; which committed no lawless ravages on the persons or the property of the inhabitants; who, when they compared their conduct with the turbulence, the intemperance, the impiety, and the debauchery of the royalists, were wont to salute them as friends, and to consider them as guests. They were a stay to the good, a terror to the evil, and the warmest advocates for every exertion of piety and virtue.-Second Defence.

PROGRESS OF MILTON'S BLINDNESS. It is now, I think, about ten years (1654) since I perceived my vision to grow weak and dull; and at the same time I was troubled with pain in my kidneys and bowels, accompanied with flatulency. In the morning, if I began to read, as was my custom, my eyes instantly ached intensely, but were refreshed after a little corporeal exercise. The candle which I looked at seemed as if it were encircled by a rainbow. Not long after, the sight in the left eye (which I lost some years before the other,) became quite obscure, and prevented me from discovering any object on that side. The sight in my other eye has now been gradually and sensibly vanishing for about three years. Some months before it had entirely perished, though I stood motionless, every thing which I looked at seemed to be in motion, to and fro. A stiff cloudy vapour seemed to have settled on my forehead and temples, which usually occasioned a sort of somnolent pressure on my eyes, and particularly from dinner to evening. So that I often recollected what is said of the poet Phineas, in the Argonautics :

"A stupor deep his cloudy temples bound,

And when he walk'd he seemed as whirling round,

Or in a feeble trance he speechless lay."

I ought not to omit that, while I had any sight left, as soon as I lay down upon my bed, and turned on either side, a flood of light used to gush from my eyelids. Then, as my sight became more faint, this was emitted with a certain crackling sound; but at present every species of illumination being as it were extinguished, there is diffused around me nothing but darkness, mingled with ashy brown. Yet the darkness in which I am perpetually immersed, seems always, by night and by day, to approach nearer to a white than a black; and when the eye is rolling in its socket, it admits a little particle of light, as through a chink. And though your physicians may kindle a small ray of hope, yet I make up my mind to the malady as quite incurable; and I often reflect that, as the wise man admonishes, days of darkness are destined to each of us. The darkness which I expe rience, less oppressive than that of the tomb, is, owing to the singular goodness of the Deity, passed amid the pursuits of literature and the cheering salutations of friendship. But if, as it is written, man shall not live by bread alone, but by every word that proceeds from the mouth of God, why may not one acquiesce in the privation of his sight when God has so amply furnished his mind and his conscience with eyes ?Milton's Prose Works.