In the first place, a state has, or should have, the right to prohibit any foreign corporation from doing business in the state, and it ought to have, or has, the right to impose such restrictions and limitations as the people of the state may think necessary upon any foreign corporations doing business in the state. I believe, in addition to a state remedy, there must be a Federal remedy. Congress has, or should have, the power to place such restrictions and limitations, even to the point of prohibition, upon any corporation organized in one state, that wants to do business ouside of the state contrary to public good.

I believe that these concurrent remedies will reach the difficulty, that the people of every state shall first decide whether they want to create a corporation; that they shall, secondly, decide whether they want any outside corporation to do business in the state, and, if so, upon what conditions; and, thirdly, that Congress shall exercise the right to place upon every corporation doing business outside of the state in which it is organized, such limitations and restrictions as may be necessary for the protection of the public good.

I am ready to adopt any method for the annihilation of trusts. One that I suggest is this:

PROVIDE FOR PUBLICITY OF ALL TRANSACTIONS

That Congress should pass a law, providing that no corporation organized in any state should do business outside of the state in which it is organized until it receives from some power created by Congress a license, authorizing it to do business outside of its own state. Now, if the corporation must come to this body created by Congress to secure permission to do business outside the state, then that license can be granted upon condition which will, in the first place, prevent the watering of stock; in the second place, prevent monopoly in any branch of business; and, third, provide for publicity as to all of their transactions and business of the corporation.

If this is unconstitutional and so declared by the Supreme Court, I am in favor of an amendment to the Constitution that will

give to Congress power to destroy every trust in the country. In my judgment, when you take from monopoly the power to issue watered stock you will go more than half the way toward destroying monopoly in the United States.

You can provide for publicity, and that annually or at such other times the corporations shall make returns of its business, of its earnings, and will go another long step toward the destruction of the principle of monopoly.

But I am not willing to stop there, and therefore, as a third condition, I suggest that no license shall be granted until the corporation shows that it has not had a monopoly and is not attempting a monopoly of any branch of industry or any article of merchandise, and then provide that if the law is violated the license can be revoked. I do not believe in the government giving privileges to be exercised by a corporation without reserving the right to withdraw them when those privileges become hurtful to the people.

PLACING THE DOLLARS ABOVE THE MAN

Much contention has been that we have been placing the dollar above the man; that we have been picking out favorites in government; that we have been bestowing upon them special privileges, and that every advantage we have given them has been given them to the detriment of other people. My contention is that there is a vicious principle running through the various policies which we have been pursuing; that in our taxation we have been imposing upon the great struggling masses, the burdens of government, while we have been voting the privileges to the people who will not pay their share of the expenses of the government.

I have no fear that any man by his own brain or his own muscle will be able to secure a fortune so great as to be a menace to the welfare of his fellow-men. When God made man he placed a limit to his existence, so that if he was a bad man he could not do harm long, but when we made our man-made man (the corporation) we raised the limit of his age. We did not give him a soul, and if

he can avoid punishment in this world he need not worry about the hereafter.

I want to protest against this doctrine that the trust is a natural outgrowth of natural laws. It is not true. The trust is the natural outgrowth of unnatural conditions created by man-made laws. Government under the four great principles of the Declaration of Independence is impossible under an industrial aristocracy.

NO SEPARATION OF CLASSES OF LABORING MEN

Some people have tried to separate the laboring man who works in the factory from the laboring man who works on the farm. I want to warn the laboring man in the factories that they cannot separate themselves from those on the farm without inviting their own destruction. I warn the laboring men in the factories that when they join with monopolies to crush the farmer, as soon as the farmer is crushed the laboring man will be crushed, and his ally will be destroyed, and in a test of endurance the farmer will stand it longer than the laboring man.

But, why should we try to see who could hold out the longest in suffering? Why try to see who can endure the most hardships and yet live? Why not try to see who can contribute most to the greatness and to the glory and to the prosperity of this nation? Why, these who can contribute most should make this government what the fathers intended it for. For 100 years this nation has been the light of the world. For 100 years the best of all nations have looked to this nation for hope and instruction. Let us settle these great questions that we have; let us teach the world the blessing of a government that comes from the people, and let us show them how happy and how prosperous people can be. I believe the doctrine that God made all men out of the same dust and did not make some to crawl on hands and knees and others to ride. upon their backs. Let us show what can be done when we put into actual practice those great doctrines of human equality and of equal rights, and make this government what the fathers intended, so that we shall lead the world, step by step, into higher ground.

CHAPTER VIII.

The Greater Republic-or Imperialism*

Our Duties to the Islands in the East-England an Example of
Colonial Progress-An Eloquent Plea for the

HON. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, Senator from Indiana

'HE Republic never retreats. Why should it retreat? The Republic is the highest form of civilization, and civilization must advance. The Republic's young men are the most virile and unwasted of the world, and they pant for enterprise worthy of their power. The Republic's preparation has been the selfdiscipline of a century, and that preparedness has found its task. The Republic's opportunity is as noble as its strength, and that opportunity is here. The Republic's duty is as sacred as its opportunity is real, and Americans never desert their duty.

The Republic could not retreat if it would; whatever its destiny it must proceed. For the American Republic is a part of the movement of a race the most masterful race of history-and race movements are not to be stayed by the hand of man. They are mighty answers to Divine commands. Their leaders are not only statesmen of peoples-they are prophets of God. The inherent tendencies of a race are its highest law. They precede and survive all statutes, all constitutions. The first question real statesmanship asks is: What are the abiding characteristics of my people? From that basis all reasoning may be natural and true. From any other basis all reasoning must be artificial and false.

The sovereign tendencies of our race are organization and government. We govern so well that we govern ourselves. We

Abridged from a recent address.

organize by instinct. Under the flag of England our race builds. an empire out of the ends of earth. In Australia it is to-day erecting a nation out of fragments. In America it wove out of segregated settlements, that complex and wonderful organization, called the American Republic. Everywhere it builds. Everywhere it governs. Everywhere it administers order and law. Everywhere it is the spirit of regulated liberty. Everywhere it obeys that voice not to be denied which bids us strive and rest not, makes of us our brother's keeper and appoints us steward under God of the civilization of the world.

tion.

LINCOLN AS A PROPHET

Organization means growth. Government means administraWhen Washington pleaded with the states to organize into a consolidated people, he was the advocate of perpetual growth. When Abraham Lincoln argued for the indivisibility of the Republic he became the prophet of the Greater Republic. And when they did both, they were but the interpreters of the tendencies of the race. That is what made then Washington and Lincoln. Had they been separatists and contractionists they would not have been Washington and Lincoln-they would have been Davis and Calhoun. They are the great Americans because they were the supreme constructors and conservers of organized government among the American people, and to-day William McKinley, as divinely guided as they, is carrying to its conclusion the tremendous syllogism of which the works of Washington and Lincoln are the premises.

God did not make the American people the mightiest human force of all time simply to feed and die. He did not give our race the brain of organization and heart of domain to no purpose and no end. No; he has given us a task equal to our talents. He has appointed for us a destiny equal to our endowments. He has made us the lords of civilization that we may administer civilization. Such administration is needed in Cuba. Such administration is needed in the Philippines. And Cuba and the Philippines are in our hands.