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are arising daily, and he has handled them all with discretion. One thing is evident, and that is that the Filipinos are in no condition for self-government. If a civil government were imposed it would need a large military force to maintain it.

'Several friends of Aguinaldo called upon me in Hong Kong, and they told me that they were satisfied that there could be no success for his undertaking. The better class of Filipinos are satisfied that American occupation means increased prosperity and are not raising any objections."

MAJOR GENERAL WHEELER, after some months services in the islands, and with ample opportunities of observing the needs and requirements, expresses his opinion as follows:

"I believe that the back of the rebellion in the Philippines is broken; there will be little more to do in a military way. There will be some guerrilla warfare, but it will not amount to much. As for Aguinaldo, I do not consider him a patriot. He was fighting for great a prize. Had he won, he would have been a powerful emperor, a mighty dictator.

CIVIL GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES

"As far as possible, I believe that we should establish civil government in the Philippines. I am in favor of territorial government, and I see nothing incongruous in making these various islands into territories. The group should be divided into three or four territories, not only because of the extent of the islands, but because of the antagonisms existing between the different peoples. Some of these tribes have been our devoted friends, and it would be most unfair not to give them the right of self-government. Many of them are already fit for self-government in local affairs, and under territorial governors appointed by us they would get along very well, I am sure.

"I consider the Filipinos a very superior people-a people with great possibilities. They are ambitious; many of them have been finely educated in Europe; they are not to be spoken of in the the same breath with the Africans, so far as their possibilities go.

They are, too, easily governed, and with the fair treatment which they will receive from us, we shall have no trouble with them. They appreciate consideration, I have found, but they are sensitive and are unwilling to be treated as inferiors. They are a little distrustful of us.

"On the question of ultimate annexation or the remote future of the Philippines-whether States would be erected there or not, in case we annex the islands-I am not yet prepared to speak, but I do think that we owe much to the many citizens of the islands who are not Filipinos and especially to those Filipinos who have been friendly to us. If our army were to be withdrawn from the islands, the natives who have befriended us would be subjected to all sorts of persecutions, and many of them would meet death, all on account of their kindness to us."

THE ALASKA BOUNDARY DISPUTE

The discovery of gold in Alaska has caused a rush to that portion of the territory bordering upon the English possessions.

Immediately there arose disputes between the British and American subjects as to jurisdiction, which threatened serious trouble in settlement. Our Secretary of State endeavored to reach a permanent settlement of this disputed boundary along with other questions at issue with the Canadian Government, but only after much correspondence did the negotiations between our State Department and Lord Salisbury result in an arrangement by which the respective rights of American and Canadian authorities upon the Alaska boundary were determined for the next two years. The boundary in question has never been surveyed, because the lands now in dispute had no value whatever prior to the discoveries in the Klondike. The agreement of 1825 between Great Britain and Russia ambiguously declared that the southern strip of Alaska should be bounded in part "by a line parallel to the winding of the coast." It so happens now that the passes leading to the Klondike are most easily reached through a bay, sixty miles in length and less than six miles wide at the mouth, known as the Lynn

Canal. The fact that the entrance to this bay may be protected by guns from our coasts led the Canadian Commissioners to contend that this bay is not a part of the open sea, and therefore that our right to ten leagues of territory inland means ten leagues from its mouth and not ten leagues from its northern extremity. Our Commissioners, on the other hand, insisted that the shore of this bay is one of the "windings of the coast" spoken of in the treaty of 1825, and their refusal to submit the matter to arbitration unless the umpire was selected from Spanish America resulted in a deadlock and the apparent failure of all our Canadian negotiations. By the present temporary adjustment, Canada is given a port on a tributary of the Lynn Canal, fifteen miles from tide-water. port can be reached by canoes but not by steamers. permanent settlement of the boundary still remains to be determined.

THE SAMOAN QUESTION

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During the preceding administrations, the Samoan Islands have been governed under a commission representing England, Germany and the United States. This led to many harassing and vexed questions, which have been finally settled by a partition of the islands among the three powers named. By this agreement we have annexed the Island of Tutuila which gives us the magnificent harbor of Panga Panga, where for more than twenty years we have had a coaling station. The treaty was negotiated by Secretary Hay and approved by the United States Senate on January 16th, 1900. There seems to be great unanimity in all parties in the support of this policy, and it probably will elicit very little discussion in the coming campaign. It only adds to our responsibilities in the problem of the proper government of our largely expanded territory.

HAWAII AND ITS GOVERNMENT

Under another chapter there will be found an interesting sketch of this group of islands, which recently has come into the possession of the United States. Under President Harrison's administration, an annexation treaty of Hawaii was negotiated,

which was not ratified, because of President Cleveland's opposition. Under that treaty the Hawaiian group would have become an integral part of the territory of the United States, and the people would have become United States citizens. For a long time, trade had been the reciprocity treaty between the Sandwich Islands and the United States, which made trade practically free between the two countries. Consequently, when in President McKinley's Administration, the islands were annexed by treaty, it was the common expectation that they should have their self-governing institutions, somewhat on the plan of our Territories. Also that they should have some form of representation in the national Government at Washington.

HAWAII A TERRITORY

The act, making Hawaii a territory, provides for a Governor and secretary of the Territory to be appointed by the President. The Governor is authorized to appoint a treasurer and an attorney general. The Legislature is made up of a Senate with fifteen and and a House with thirty members. The Governor has the veto power, and there is provision for a judicial system with the right of appeal to the Circuit and Supreme Courts of the United States. The House amendment gives the appointment of Judges to the President instead of the Governor. The sale of liquors in saloons is prohibited.

The Territorial assembly will have power to legislate concerning all local affairs, and a delegate to sit in Congress. According to the latest estimates the persons who will be entiled to suffrage under this law are 10,000 native Hawaiians and 5,300 persons of American and European parentage.

The franchise is granted to citizens of the United States who are able to speak, read and write the English or Hawaiian language. As a means of discrimination against undesirable voters, the device of a poll tax qualification has been resorted to.

The internal revenue and customs laws of the United States. are made operative in the Territory of Hawaii. Compulsory labor

is prohibited and contracts enforcing it of later date than August 12,1898, are declared void.

All of the local laws and institutions shall continue without change, which are not inconsistent with the Constitution of the United States. Sanford G. Dole has been appointed the first Governor of the new territory.

THE NICARAGUA CANAL

The French have attempted to organize a company for the purpose of building a canal across the Istmus of Panama, and have spent large sums of money in making preliminary surveys in preparing to carry on the plans. The distinguished engineer De Lesseps, of the Isthmus of Suez Canal fame, was one of the originators and promoters of the Panama Canal; but unfortunately for his reputation, and that of many others, numerous embezzlements of funds, and dishonest management caused a great scandal, and the work of the French practically came to a stand-still. Following this was agitated the project of constructing a railway across the Isthmus by which vessels would be taken from the dock, and transported overland to the other side. This plan also never materialized. Then followed the organization of large companies in America with large capital for the purpose of securing government aid in the way of subsidies, with a view to constructing a canal at the most feasible point. President McKinley early in the administration appointed a commission of which Admiral Walker was at the head, for the purpose of making surveys and reporting upon the most feasible route. The report has not yet been laid before Congress. In the meantime, Secretary Hay negotiated a treaty with Great Britain which annulled the Bulwer-Clayton treaty, and provided that the United States should construct this canal alone and guarantee its neutrality. By the terms of this treaty no provision was made for defending the canal by fortifications, and when presented to the United States Senate, much opposition arose as to the terms of the treaty, and the administration was criticized. Shall the United States demand full control of the canal which it

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