native State." His friends always spoke of him as “the old hero" and "old Tecumseh." His willingness to be before the people was further exemplified in a letter, written in answer to an inquiry, in which he said plainly that he would accept the second place on the ticket if he did not get the first. The claims of General Lewis Cass were urged by some of those who did not think the nomination of Mr. Van Buren advisable. Finally, in Pennsylvania, Mr. James Buchanan was brought forward as a "favorite son."

In point of fact, while a most decided preference was shown for Mr. Van Buren before any and all others, those who opposed him were bitter and determined. They declared that he could not be elected, and that it would be suicide for the party to nominate him. When the question of a convention was under discussion, South Carolina refused to send delegates; and hot discussions arose in the Democratic newspapers whether delegates should be chosen by districts or by general ticket, and whether Virginia, which was for Van Buren, should be allowed to enter the convention with her delegation numbering five times the votes she would be allowed to cast.

Such was the situation late in 1843. The Democrats seemed to be, and were, in hopeless discord. The Whigs counted upon an easy victory, for they were absolutely united in supporting Mr. Clay, while the alleged treachery of Mr. Tyler had given them what was better than unanimity in respect of a candidate, - political union. The next succeeding events seemed to work in their favor, for they were as confident of their ability to defeat Mr. Van Buren as were that gentleman's enemies in his own party that he could not be elected. Mr. Buchanan formally withdrew his name in December, 1843; and in the following month Mr. Calhoun published a letter which was at first taken as a withdrawal, but was afterwards seen to be only a refusal to allow his name to go before the convention. His friends were thus left free to give him their independent support if they would. Meanwhile many state conventions were instructing their delegates to vote for Mr. Van Buren, and his nomination seemed to be inevitable. A clear majority of all the delegates could be counted for him beyond a question, and it was not doubted that he would receive the necessary two thirds.

But the situation was changed as if by magic. The question of the annexation of Texas loomed up suddenly. An

overture by Texas for absorption had been once rejected, years before; a suggestion from the government of the United States that annexation might be acceptable, some time later, had come to nothing; and now Mr. Tyler thrust the matter again before the people by submitting to the Senate a treaty with Texas providing for its annexation to the United States. "Re-annexation" was the cry. Texas had been exchanged for Florida in a negotiation with Spain; it had in common with Mexico, of which it formed a part, been separated from Spain; it had been colonized by filibusters from the United States, had declared and achieved its independence in a war with Mexico, and was now a republic by itself. But Mexico had only suspended, not ceased, its efforts to reconquer Texas, and had not acknowledged the independence of the republic. To annex it, therefore, was to assume the obligation of a war with Mexico, or to overawe her weakness by our own strength.

The sentiment of the South was very strong in favor of "immediate re-annexation," for obvious reasons, chief among them being the additional strength which would thereby be acquired for the slavery interest. The question suddenly became a political issue of the first magnitude. Mr. Tyler sent the treaty to the Senate on the 22d of April, 1844, but the fact that such a treaty was under consideration was made public some weeks earlier. At the beginning of May, letters were published from Henry Clay and Martin Van Buren, in which these two gentlemen, almost universally regarded as the two prospective rivals for the presidency, answered inquiries as to their views on the Texas question at length. Singularly

enough, their views were similar in this, that they both foresaw that annexation meant war with Mexico; that they regarded annexation without the consent of Mexico as dishonorable; and that, consequently, both were opposed to the pending measure. Mr. Clay went further, and expressed grave doubts as to the wisdom of annexation at all, for reasons partly financial (Texas having a debt which must be assumed) and partly political (the strong opposition that existed throughout New England, and the North generally). Mr. Van Buren's letter, perhaps the most courageous act of a public life which was not characterized by great courage, and therefore one of the most creditable, cost him the nomination. It was dated April 20, 1844, and made public a week later; and the convention met at Baltimore on May 27. The time was short, but it was long

enough to defeat him. The editor of the Richmond "Enquirer," who had been as firm and steadfast a Van Buren man as Senator Benton himself, presided at a meeting intended to bring about a change in the instructions to the Virginia delegates, who had been directed to support Van Buren, and to instruct them to vote for a candidate in favor of immediate annexation. Some delegates from Southern States resigned rather than obey the instructions already given them to vote for Van Buren. Others declared that, although so instructed, they knew that the wishes of their constituents would be modified by the disclosure of Mr. Van Buren's opinions, and that they should support another candidate.

The convention was one of the most interesting ever held in the country. The excitement among the arriving delegates was intense. A great majority of them came with instructions to support Van Buren; but it was known that many of them would disobey, and how far the treachery - for so the real advocates of Mr. Van Buren regarded it — extended made men suspicious and anxious. Mr. Clay had already been nominated, and the Whigs were earnest, enthusiastic, and confident. The party organ of the Democrats at the capital, the Washington "Globe," said truly, just before the convention met, that the assertion that Mr. Van Buren had lost his standing with the people by reason of his Texas letter was not supported by evidence. Many politicians had turned against him, but the rank and file of the party would be for him still, unless their leaders advised them to desert him. The "Globe" attributed the whole anti-Van Buren movement to Calhoun. "It is the last card of his desperate competitor, who has been playing for twenty-five years for the presidency with the frenzy of a gamester. It cannot win."

Three hundred and twenty-five delegates appeared at the convention at Baltimore on May 27, 1844. Virginia and Kentucky only were greatly over-represented. For the most part, the States sent exactly as many delegates as the electoral votes to which they were entitled. South Carolina being unrepresented, there were 266 votes in the convention. Hendrick B. Wright, of Pennsylvania, was the temporary chairman, and was also appointed as the permanent president. As soon as the temporary organization had been effected, General Saunders, of North Carolina, who had championed the two-thirds rule in Van Buren's interest in the convention of 1835, moved

that the rules of the convention of 1832 be adopted for the government of this convention. The significance of the motion was recognized at once. It was a motion for the twothirds rule. If it were not adopted, Van Buren was sure to be nominated; if it were adopted, he might be defeated. Consideration of the motion was postponed as premature; but General Saunders persisted in bringing it forward, and at last it was taken up. A warm debate ensued. The vote was taken at about noon of the second day of the convention. The rule was adopted by 148 votes against 118. Nearly two thirds of the Northern votes were in the negative; six sevenths of the Southern votes were in favor of the rule. The Northern delegates had it in their power to defeat the rule, and yet, being perfectly well aware that the adoption of the two-thirds requirement handicapped the candidate they professed to support, they lent themselves to the scheme of his opponents. The conclusion is inevitable that they were willing that he should be sacrificed, but that they did not quite venture to appear with daggers in their own hands.

"Balloting" for a candidate, as it was called, although the voting was viva voce, - began in the afternoon. It will be seen from the table below that Mr. Van Buren received a majority of 26 on the first trial. He would have lacked but ten votes of a nomination had all those who came to the convention, instructed for him, given him their votes. He received but 12 votes of the 105 from Southern States; from the North, 134 votes out of 151. Seven trials took place before adjournment for the day, resulting as follows:

Early in the session on the following day an Ohio delegate moved a resolution that Martin Van Buren, having received a majority of votes on the first ballot, be declared the candidate.

It was ruled that this would require a two-thirds vote, as rescinding an order of the convention. An angry and confused debate took place over the point of parliamentary law, but an appeal from the decision of the chair was withdrawn, and the convention began once more to vote for a candidate.

The time had come to spring the sensation carefully prepared in advance of the convention. The States were called in geographical order, beginning with Maine. When New Hampshire was called, the delegates from that State gave all their votes to James K. Polk, of Tennessee. A member of the Maine delegation had remarked, just before the voting began, that "it was time to draw the fire of Tennessee." Seven Massachusetts delegates, all those of Alabama and Tennessee, and a few others, followed the lead of New Hampshire. The result was announced: Van Buren, 104; Cass, 114; Polk, 44. The ninth trial began without great evidence of excitement, until, upon the call of New York, the chairman of that delegation asked permission to retire for consultation. Meanwhile the roll-call proceeded. When the New York delegation returned, Mr. B. F. Butler made a speech, in the course of which he produced a letter from Mr. Van Buren which he had received before the convention met, authorizing the withdrawal of his name, if it would conduce to harmony. Accordingly Mr. Butler withdrew Mr. Van Buren, and cast the entire vote of New York for Mr. Polk. Then ensued a "stampede," -a scene repeated many times since that day in national conventions. Delegation after delegation changed its vote, and when the result was announced James K. Polk, of Tennessee, had every vote, and was nominated. A scene of wild confusion ensued. A despatch was sent by telegraph to Washington, the first line built in the country had not long before been opened between the two cities, and a congratulatory reply was received from the Democratic members of Congress twenty minutes after the nomination.

In the afternoon the convention voted for a candidate for Vice-President, and nominated Silas Wright, then a Senator from New York, almost unanimously, by 256 votes. Nine members of the Georgia delegation refused to vote for him, and supported Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire. Mr. Wright was notified by telegraph, and declined the nomination peremptorily. Although he was requested to reconsider, and was waited upon that night by a committee of the convention,