30th of April. In the morning at nine o'clock, the people assembled in their respective churches for services of prayer for the success of the new government and the prosperity of the President. At noon, Washington was escorted from his house to the federal statehouse in Broad Street, where, upon a balcony and in the presence of a vast throng, the oath of office was administered by Chancellor Livingston. "I swear it. So help me, God!" ejaculated the first President. Then while the people shouted "Long live George Washington, President of the United States," he retired within the building to the Senate Chamber, where he delivered his inaugural address.

III

WASHINGTON RE-ELECTED UNANIMOUSLY

THE first administration was occupied chiefly in the organization of the new government, with the creation of departments, the formation of a revenue system, an adjustment of the public debt, and similar matters. Jefferson, at the head of the State Department, and Hamilton, at the Treasury, were the President's chief advisers. Circumstances gave to the younger man much greater prominence as the constructive statesman, at this momentous period, than to the author of the Declaration of Independence. The fact that to his department belonged naturally the duty of devising the financial measures which were of first importance; the personal intimacy between the President and Hamilton; and Washington's strong leaning to the Federalist view of public questions; these all combined to render the Secretary of the Treasury conspicuous and successful, and to leave the Secretary of State in comparative obscurity. The line between parties was more clearly defined than one would have expected it to be in a country which had just been consolidated into a nation, and which had previously known no political divisions save those indicated by the terms "large States," "small States," "North," and "South." Not a few anti-Federalists were elected to Congress, and formed the nucleus of an active opposition. There is no doubt that Jefferson did what he could to thwart Hamilton and to defeat or modify the measures he devised, although those measures had the support of the President, the chief of both Secretaries. As governments are now organized, such a course of action would be regarded as base political treachery. It was not so at the time. The Secretaries did not form a cabinet, in the modern sense of the word; Washington was not chosen President as the candidate of a party; and being fully aware of Jefferson's dissent from the measures which he himself wished to be passed, he did not intimate a desire for the resignation of the Secretary of State.

Jefferson therefore felt free to organize and direct the party in opposition. It happened, unfortunately for Mr. Adams, that the Senate was closely divided, and that he was required, as Vice-President, to give the casting vote in favor of many of the most important measures of legislation devised by Hamilton. To no Vice-President since his time, it is believed, has fallen so large a share in active legislation. Mr. Adams was by nature and conviction a Federalist. He approved the measures brought forward, and, in spite of the grievance he had against Hamilton, loyally supported them. Hamilton himself, writing in the year 1800, expressed his entire satisfaction with Mr. Adams's course, and declared that it had the effect of modifying the unfavorable opinion of that gentleman which he had previously entertained. Indeed, while the canvass of 1796 was in progress he wrote to Mr. Adams, expressing a strong interest in his election; he referred to the Vice-President at this time as "a firm, honest, and independent politician;" and used all his influence to promote his success. But Adams's course had the opposite effect with the anti-Federalists. They could not or would not attack Washington; they trained all their guns on Adams.

The French Revolution was approaching one of its acute crises when the presidential canvass took place, for the king had already been deposed when the election took place, and was guillotined before the second inauguration. The great events in France were to have an important influence upon American politics. Mr. Adams was the first to suffer. His political enemies alighted upon some phrases in the published writings of the Vice-President which, they declared, proved him to be in favor of a monarchy, to have a liking for aristocracy, and to regard the Constitution as but a makeshift soon to be discarded for the system which they believed, or affected to believe, he preferred. They rang the changes on a passage in which he had extolled the working of government by "king, lords, and commons; " they jeered at his reference to the "well born;" and professed alarm lest he should be found conspiring against the Constitution which he had characterized as a "promising essay." Had such attacks been made before the outbreak of the French Revolution, it is doubtful if they would have caused anything but amusement. But now the warm approval of the uprising carried with it sympathy with the sentimental republicanism of the French people. The

formality of the republican court at Philadelphia, the relations between the President and Congress which were a distinct imitation of those between king and parliament, none of these things had offended the popular taste until sans-culottism began to triumph at Paris. Now the Republicans - the new name adopted by the anti-Federalist party - set up the spectre of monarchy for the express purpose of terrifying themselves into the eternal vigilance which is the price of liberty.

The opposition selected George Clinton of New York as their candidate in opposition to Mr. Adams. The preliminary electioneering was carried on in private letters between public men, and in communications in the newspapers. Rufus King wrote to Gouverneur Morris: "The opposition that now exists arises from other principles than those which produced an opposition to the Constitution, and proceeds from that rivalry which always has and will prevail in a free country. Washington and Adams will be re-chosen this winter: the first without opposition. Whether the opponents of Mr. Adams will combine their opposition I consider as uncertain. Should this be the case, Clinton will be their man." "A Citizen wrote to the "Baltimore Advertiser" that all were in favor of Washington, but that "men who have a sense of equality and a disgust of supercilious superiority are, I am in hopes, linked as a strong chain against the Vice-President."

The leader among the newspapers opposing Adams was the "National Gazette," of Philadelphia, conducted by Philip Freneau. Freneau had gone to Philadelphia from New York, on an appointment by Jefferson as translator to the State Department, and had established his newspaper, which became the organ and mouthpiece of those who abused and vilified the Federalists and their measures, and particularly of those who hated Mr. Adams. Although the salary drawn by Freneau from the Government was a pitiful sum, his course as a protégé of the Secretary of State and as the editor of the most violent political newspaper in opposition to the administration was a public scandal. Both Freneau and Jefferson refused to see it in that light. The editor protested that his political course was uninfluenced by the secretary, and that his receipt of a salary from the government should not hamper him or deter him from expressing his opinions. Jefferson said nothing, and left Freneau's defence to stand for his own. It is not necessary to know whether Freneau's sworn denial that Jefferson had

directly or indirectly dictated his course, was absolutely true or a disingenuous but skillfully worded evasion. Surely the situation, which either of the persons might have brought to a termination in a day, was not defensible. It is equally certain that Freneau was all the time faithfully serving Jefferson's purposes.

The other newspapers of the time had strong political leanings one way or the other, which can be detected by the prevailing tone of the communications printed by them. Yet they admitted to their columns letters on both sides of the question at issue. Classical signatures were much in vogue. A long series of articles signed "Catullus" was widely copied. That Hamilton was the author was suspected at the time. The letters are included in Hamilton's "Works." The discussion was carried on by "Lucius," "Marcus," " Mutius," "Antonius," "Philanthropos," and other Greeks and Romans. As the close of the canvass drew near, the virulence of party hatred became more intense. The enemies of Mr. Adams brought out one "local issue" to draw away a few votes. Congress had passed a bill apportioning members of the House of Representatives after the ascertainment of population at the first census. There was much bad feeling on this question. The bill passed by Congress encountered the first executive veto in the history of the government. Mr. Adams had, in the progress of the measure through the Senate, given a casting vote against a ratio of one representative to thirty thousand inhabitants. The defeat of that ratio reduced the representation of Virginia, and enraged the people of the State against Adams. Every electoral vote of Virginia was given to Clinton.

In most of the other States it was a strictly party contest. New England was solid for Federalism. New York had been carried, as before, by the Republicans. That is to say, it was counted for that party. At the spring election of 1792, the opposing candidates for governor were Clinton and Jay. There was a plurality of votes for Jay, but the canvassers threw out the returns from three counties and declared Clinton elected. Hamilton, writing to assure Adams of a wish for his success, intimated that the method of Clinton's election would not help his canvass for the vice-presidency. There is no evidence that it hurt his chances. The Middle States went for Washington and Adams. North Carolina and Georgia were carried for Clinton. This result was to have been antici