XXVII

THE MUGWUMP CAMPAIGN

THERE has never been a time in the history of the country when party lines were so indistinct, and so easily and frequently crossed, as during the four years that preceded the election of 1884. During all that time there was hardly a vote passed by either House of Congress in which the division was strictly on party lines. There were no sharply defined party issues; and political matters were in such a condition that if any fresh question of absorbing interest had arisen, there must have been extensive changes of party association, if not a complete reconstruction of both the great historical organizations. In the absence of such questions, men continued to act, each with his own party, merely as a matter of habit, and, up to the spring of 1884, there was nothing to portend the violence and fury with which the canvass of that year was to be conducted.

A brief survey of the leading events of the years from 1881 to 1884 will indicate how little occurred that had an influence upon the result in the presidential year. There was, first of all, the dissension in the Republican party caused by some of Mr. Garfield's appointments, chiefly in New York, which deeply offended Mr. Conkling, and led to the formation of two factions, one of which called itself "Stalwart" and stigmatized the other as "Half-breed." The assassination, the lingering sickness, and the death of President Garfield; the accession of Mr. Arthur, the scandal of the "Star route" mail contracts, and the offensive incidents of the trial of the assassin of the President, these are chapters in our history which every patriotic student would gladly forget.

The only important legislation during Mr. Arthur's adminis tration consisted of laws aimed at polygamy in Utah, and at Chinese immigration; the creation of the Tariff Commission in 1882, and the passage of a new tariff law in 1883; and the Civil Service Reform Act. While this was all, in one sense,

political legislation, it was not, in the strict sense, party legis lation. The Tariff Act was an exception, for it divided Congress nearly on party lines. In the Senate, one Democrat only voted for the bill, and two Republicans against it; while, in the House of Representatives, fifteen Democrats and nine Republicans separated themselves from their respective parties. The Civil Service Reform Act was passed in each branch by large majorities; but in the Senate all the five negative votes were given by Democrats, and in the House of Representatives seven only of the forty-seven negative votes were given by Republicans. Neither of these important acts was regarded as a party measure to such an extent that any member lost political standing by placing himself in opposition to the general opinion of his associates; and neither had a perceptible effect upon the election of 1884.

Events, nevertheless, were occurring which weakened the Republicans and prepared the way for the impending defeat of the party. There was a feeling which found expression in various ways that "the machine" was becoming too prominent in the management of affairs, and that the "bosses" were defiant of the better sentiment of the party in the selection of candidates. In many States, the election of 1882 resulted in Democratic victories which were largely due to a revolt against what was, rightly or wrongly, deemed the arrogant dictation of self-constituted leaders. Pennsylvania defeated the Republican candidate for governor, to whom no one objected on personal grounds; and New York gave to Grover Cleveland, the Democratic candidate for governor, the unprecedented majority of one hundred and ninety thousand. Yet the opposing candidate was Mr. Folger, the Secretary of the Treasury, formerly the chief judge of the New York Court of Appeals, and a gentleman of the highest character, against whom nothing could be said, except that he was a candidate chosen for the Republicans, and not by them. These defeats were regarded as warnings to the Republicans that they could win the coming contest only by nominating good candidates, without the intervention of the "machine" and the "bosses."

A step in the direction of greater freedom within the party, and in curtailment of the powers sometimes exercised by leaders in disregard of the popular will, was taken at a meeting of the Republican national committee held in 1883. An attempt was made so to change the basis of the national

convention as to enlarge the influence of the States and communities giving Republican majorities, and to diminish correspondingly the relative strength of those parts of the country where the party was in a hopeless minority. Two propositions were submitted. According to the first, the national convention would consist of delegates from each State as follows: (1) Four delegates at large; (2) One delegate for each Congress-district; (3) One delegate for each twelve thousand votes given in the State in 1880 for the Republican electoral ticket. The other plan proposed for each State: (1) Four delegates at large; (2) One delegate at large for each Republican senator representing the State; (3) One delegate for each Congress-district; (4) One additional delegate for each district represented in Congress by a Republican. Each of these propositions was rejected, and the old basis of a national convention was readopted.

But a radical change was made in the method of choosing delegates. A time was prescribed for electing them, and the right of districts to choose their own delegates was recognized and secured. It was voted that the state conventions should be held not less than thirty nor more than sixty days before the time of meeting of the national convention, and after not less than twenty days' public, advertised notice. District delegates were to be elected either by separate district conventions or by subdivision of the state convention. If separate conventions were to be held, they were to meet within fifteen days prior to the state convention; and in any case their credentials were to be given and certified by district officers. By the first of these provisions, security was given against forestalling the action of the national convention by early conventions in some of the States; by the other, an opportunity was given to minorities to make their influence felt, and power was taken from a majority in the State to stifle opposition.

The first national convention held in 1884 was that of the Anti-Monopoly party, which met in Chicago, May 14. The party had no prior nor subsequent history. The attendance was not large. Only seventeen States and the District of Columbia were represented on the Committee on Resolutions. Mr. Alson J. Streeter was the temporary chairman, and John F. Henry the permanent president of the convention. The following platform was reported, and adopted by a vote of eighty-five to twenty-nine :

The Anti-Monopoly organization of the United States, in convention assembled, declares:

1. That labor and capital should be allies; and we demand justice for both, by protecting the rights of all against privileges for the few.

2. That corporations, the creatures of law, should be controlled by law.

3. That we propose the greatest reduction practicable in public expenses.

4. That in the enactment and vigorous execution of just laws, equality of rights, equality of burdens, equality of privileges, and equality of powers in all citizens will be secured. To this end, we declare :

5. That it is the duty of the government to immediately exercise its constitutional prerogative to regulate commerce among the States. The great instruments by which this commerce is carried on are transportation, money, and the transmission of intelligence. They are now mercilessly controlled by giant monopolies, to the impoverishment of labor, the crushing out of healthful competition, and the destruction of business security. We hold it, therefore, to be the imperative and immediate duty of Congress to pass all needful laws for the control and regulation of those great agents of commerce, in accordance with the oft-repeated decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States.

6. That these monopolies, which have exacted from enterprise such heavy tribute, have also inflicted countless wrongs upon the toiling millions of the United States; and no system of reform should commend itself to the support of the people which does not protect the man who earns his bread by the sweat of his face. Bureaus of labor-statistics must be established, both state and national; arbitration take the place of brute force in the settlement of disputes between employer and employed; the national eight-hour law be honestly enforced; the importation of foreign labor under contract be made illegal; and whatever practical reforms may be necessary for the protection of united labor must be granted, to the end that unto the toiler shall be given that proportion of the profits of the thing or value created which his labor bears to the cost of production.

7. That we approve and favor the passage of an Interstate Commerce bill. Navigable waters should be improved by the government, and be free.

8. We demand the payment of the bonded debt as it falls due; the election of United States senators by the direct vote of the people of their respective States; a graduated income tax; and a tariff, which is a tax upon the people, that shall be so levied as to

bear as lightly as possible upon necessaries. We denounce the present tariff as being largely in the interest of monopoly, and demand that it be speedily and radically reformed in the interest of labor, instead of capital.

9. That no further grants of public lands shall be made to corporations. All enactments granting lands to corporations should be strictly construed, and all land grants should be forfeited where the terms upon which the grants were made have not been strictly complied with. The lands must be held for homes for actual settlers, and must not be subject to purchase or control by non-resident foreigners or other speculators.

10. That we deprecate the discrimination of American legislation against the greatest of American industries, — agriculture, by which it has been deprived of nearly all beneficial legislation, while forced to bear the brunt of taxation; and we demand for it the fostering care of government, and the just recognition of its importance in the development and advancement of our land; and we appeal to the American farmer to cooperate with us in our endeavors to advance the national interests of the country and the overthrow of monopoly in every shape, whenever and wherever found.

General Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, was nominated as candidate for President on the first vote. He received 122 votes, to 7 for Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, and 1 for Solon Chase, of Maine. The nomination of a candidate for Vice-President was left with the national committee, who adopted the candidate of the National or Greenback party, General Alanson M. West, of Mississippi.

The National party Greenbackers - held its convention in Indianapolis, on the 28th of May. John Tyler, of Florida, was the temporary chairman, and General James B. Weaver, of Iowa, permanent president. The following platform was adopted:

Eight years ago, our young party met in this city for the first time, and proclaimed to the world its immortal principles, and placed before the American people as a presidential candidate that great philanthropist and spotless statesman, Peter Cooper. Since that convention, our party has organized all over the Union, and through discussion and agitation has been educating the people to a sense of their rights and duties to themselves and their country. These labors have accomplished wonders. We now have a great, harmonious party, and thousands who believe in our principles in the ranks of other parties.

"We point with pride to our history." We forced the remone