I have faith in our common brotherhood-in such meetings as this, in such social gatherings as that magnificent demonstration which we all enjoyed much last night. I sincerely hope that all thought of forcing annexation upon the people of Canada will be abandoned and that if not you will seek a more pleasant sort of annexation for your children and children's children. It was a novel mode of attaching them that the people of Detroit adopted in lashing a fleet of their steamers together and getting up such a grand entertainment that there was no question that it had a strong tendency to promote one kind of annexation, especially among the young people. As a measure of self-protection I put myself under the care of a pretty little New Brunswick woman and charged her to take good care of me until we got safe ashore.

In conclusion let me say that in dealing with this subject I have spoken in an open, plain manner and kept back nothing that ought to be said upon it, considering the limited time at my disposal. My friend Mr. Hamlin wished us to show our hands; we have done so and shown our hearts also in all sincerity.

This subject is of vast importance to us all. Though living away down east I take a deep interest in the great west and I trust God will spare my life long enough to permit me to explore its vastness more thoroughly than I have as yet been able to do, that I may the better discuss the great interests created by its commerce. British America has a great west, as yet almost entirely undeveloped, out of which four or five states or provinces may yet be formed, to pour their wealth down the great Lake Huron into Canada and through the straits, past the city of Detroit to the ocean, while the manufactures of the United States, of England, and of the provinces

go

back to supply the wants. The moment Providence givcs me an opportunity I will return to the west and examine its resources and understand its position, in order that I may lay before my own people and the people of the Provinces generally and the capitalists of the mother country an adequate idea of its importance, with a view of promoting a more active settlement and development of the territory on both sides of the boundary line, for the trade would be as valuable to the world on one side as on the other.

MAZZINI

GIU

IUSEPPE MAZZINI was born in 1805 at Genoa, where his father was a physician in good practice, and a professor at the university. The boy's first tutor was an old priest who taught him Latin. At the age of thirteen Giuseppe began to attend classes in the faculty of arts at the university; he afterward studied anatomy with a view of following his father's profession, but finally graduated in law and was admitted to the bar. He never overcame his repugnance, however, to the dry and technical details of legal practice, and even during the four years of his nominal connection with his profession he wrote a considerable number of essays and reviews. His literary articles became more and more suggestive of advanced liberalism in politics, and led to the suppression of two of the newspapers in which they were published. Hav. ing joined the Carbonari, he soon rose to one of the higher grades in their hierarchy, but, shortly after the French Revolution of 1830, he was betrayed, while initiating a new member, to the authorities of Piedmont. He was imprisoned in a fortress for about six months, and, when he was released, it was upon conditions involving so many restrictions upon his liberty that he preferred the alternative of leaving his country. He withdrew accordingly to France, where he lived chiefly in Marseilles. He now began to shape the programme of the organization which was destined to become famous throughout Europe, that of "La Giovine Italia," or Young Italy. Its avowed aims were the liberation of Italy both from foreign and domestic tyranny and its unification under a republican form of government. Mazzini devoted his life to the promotion of these objects, and he lived to see them practically fulfilled in 1859-60, though he w&з never entirely reconciled to the substitution of a monarchical government for the republic which he had desired. He declined to profit in 1866 by the amnesty, which relieved him from the sentence of death that had been pronounced against him in earlier days. In May, 1869, he was expelled from Switzerland at the instance of the Italian government for having conspired with Garibaldi. After a few months spent in England, he set out in 1870 for Sicily, but was arrested at sea and carried to Gaota, where he was imprisoned for two months. Victor Emmanuel made the birth of a prince the occasion for restoring Mazzini to liberty. The remainder of the agitator's life was spent partly in London and partly at Lugano. He died at Pisa on March 10, 1872. The Italian Parliament, by a unanimous vote, expressed the national sorrow at his death.

W

TO THE YOUNG MEN OF ITALY

DELIVERED AT MILAN, JULY 25, 1848

HEN I was commissioned by you, young men, to proffer in this temple a few words sacred to the memory of the brothers Bandiera and their fellow-martyrs at Cosenza, I thought that some of those who heard me might exclaim with noble indignation: "Wherefore lament over the dead? The martyrs of lib. erty are only worthily honored by winning the battle they have begun; Cosenza, the land where they fell, is enslaved; Venice, the city of their birth, is begirt by foreign foes. Let us emancipate them, and until that moment let no words pass our lips save words of war.

But another thought arose: "Why have we not conquered? Why is it that, while we are fighting for independence in the north of Italy, liberty is perishing in the south? Why is it that a war which should have sprung to the Alps with the bound of a lion has dragged itself along for four months, with the slow uncertain motion of the scorpion surrounded by a circle of fire? How has the rapid and powerful intuition of a people newly arisen to life been converted into the weary helpless effort of the sick man turning from side to side? Ah! had we all arisen in the sanctity of the idea for which our martyrs died; had the holy standard of their faith preceded our youth to battle; had we reached that unity of life which was in them so powerful, and made of our every action a thought, and of our every thought an action; had we de

voutly gathered up their last words in our hearts, and learned from them that Liberty and Independence are one, that God and the People, the Fatherland and Humanity, are the two inseparable terms of the device of every people striving to become a nation; that Italy can have no true life till she be One, holy in the equality and love of all her children, great in the worship of eternal truth, and consecrated to a lofty mission, a moral priesthood among the peoples of Europe-we should now have had, not war, but victory; Cosenza would not be compelled to venerate the memory of her martyrs in secret, nor Venice be restrained from honoring them with a monument; and we, gathered here together, might gladly invoke their sacred names, without uncertainty as to our future destiny, or a cloud of sadness on our brows, and say to those precursor souls: "Rejoice! for your spirit is incarnate in your brethren, and they are worthy of you.

The idea which they worshipped, young men, does not as yet shine forth in its full purity and integrity upon your banner. The sublime programme which they, dying, bequeathed to the rising Italian generation, is yours; but mutilated, broken up into fragments by the false doctrines, which, elsewhere overthrown, have taken refuge among us. I look around, and I see the struggles of desperate populations, an alternation of generous rage and of unworthy repose; of shouts for freedom and of for mulæ of servitude, throughout all parts of our Peninsula; but the soul of the country, where is it? What unity is there in this unequal and manifold movement-where is the Word that should dominate the hundred diverse and opposing counsels which mislead or seduce the mul titude? I hear phrases usurping the national omnipo