stroy the judiciary that their impeach. ments were finally abandoned.

The Republicans closed their first national administration with high prestige. They had met several congressional reverses on questions where defeat proved good fortune, for the Federalists kept a watchful defence, and were not always wrong. The latter suffered numerically, and many of their best leaders had fallen in the congressional cortest of 1800 and 1802, while the Republicans maintained their own additions in talent and number.

In 1804, the candidates of both parties were nominated by congressional caucuses. Jefferson and Clinton were the Republican nominees; Charles C. Pinckney and Rufus King, the nominees of the Federalists, but they only received 14 out of 176 electoral votes.

since southern would be more rapid than northern development;" that states created west of the Mississippi would injure the commerce of New England, and they even went so far as to say that the "admission of the Western World into the / Union would compel the Eastern States to establish an eastern empire," Doubts were also raised as to the right of Louisianians, when admitted to citizenship under our laws, as their lineage, language and religion were different from our own. Its inhabitants were French and descendants of French, with some Spanish creoles, Americans, English and Germans in all about 90,000, including 40,000 slaves. There were many Indians of course, in a territory then exceeding a million of square miles a territory which, in the language of First Consul Napoleon, "strengthens forever the power of the United States," The struggle of Napoleon in Europe and which will give to England a mari- with the allied powers now gave Jefferson time rival that will sooner or later humble an opportunity to inaugurate a foreign her pride "a military view of the change fully justified by subsequent history. Napoleon sold because of needed preparations for war with England, and while he had previously expressed a willingness to take fifty million francs for it, he got sixty through the shrewd diplomacy of his ministers, who hid for the time their fear of the capture of the port of New Orleans by the English navy.

Little chance was afforded the Federal

ists for adverse criticism in Congress, for the purchase proved so popular that the people greatly increased the majority in both branches of the eighth Congress, and Jefferson called it together earlier for the purpose of ratification. The Senate ratified the treaty on the 20th of October, 1803, by a vote of 24 to 7, while the House adopted a resolution for carrying the treaty into effect by a vote of 90 to 25. Eleven million dollars of the purchase money was appropriated, the remaining four millions being reserved for the indemnity of American citizens who had sustained losses by French assaults upon our commerce-from which fact subsequently came what is known as the French Spoliation Bill.

policy. England had forbidden all trade with the French and their allies, and France had in return forbidden all commerce with England and her colonies. Both of these decrees violated our neutral rights, and were calculated to destroy our commerce, which by this time had become quite imposing.

Congress acted promptly, and on the 21st of December passed what is known as the Embargo Act, under the inspiration of the Republican party, which claimed that the only choice of the people lay between the embargo and war, and that there was no other way to obtain redress from England and France. But the promised effects of the measure were not realized, and so soon the people, the Federalists made the quesas any dissatisfaction was manifested by tion a political issue. They declared it unconstitutional because it was not limited as to time; that it helped England as ' against France (a cunning assertion in for the cause of the French), and that it view of the early love of the Republicans laid violent hands on our home commerce and industries. Political agitation increased the discontent, and public opinion at one time turned so strongly against the Impeachment trials were first attempted law that it was openly resisted on the before the eighth Congress in 1803. Judge eastern coast, and treated with almost as Pickering, of the district court of the open contempt on the Canadian border. United States for New Hampshire, was The bill had passed the House by 87 to impeached for occasional drunkenness, 35, the Senate by 19 to 9. In January, and dismissed from office Judge Chase 1809, the then closing administration of of the U. S. Supreme Court, and Judge Jefferson had to change front on the quesPeters of the district court of Pennsylva- tion, and the law was repealed on the 18th nia, both Federalists, were charged by arti- of March. The Republicans when they cles proposed in the House with illegal changed, went all the way over, and advoand arbitrary conduct in the trial of par-cated full protection by the use of a navy, ties charged with political offenses. The of all our rights on the high seas. If the Federalists took alarm at these proceed- Federals could have recalled their old ings, and so vehement were their charges leaders, or retained even a considerable against the Republicans of a desire to de- portion of their power, the opportunity

presented by the embargo issue could have brought them back to full political power, but lacking these leaders, the opportunity passed

Democrats and Federals.

between Monroe and Madison. The now usual Congressional caucus followed at Washington, and although the Virginia Legislature in its caucus proviously held had been unable to decide between Madison and Monroe, the Congressional body chose Madison by 83 to 11, the minority being divided between Clinton and Mon

hardly be considered as a candidate. This action broke up Randolph's faction in Virginia, but left so much bitterness behind it that a large portion attached themselves to the Federalists. In the election which followed Madison received 122 electoral votes against 47 for C. C. Pinckney, of South Carolina, and 6 for Geo. Clinton of New York.

During the ninth. Congress, which as-roe, though the latter could by that time sembled on the second of December, 1805, the Republicans dropped their name and accepted that of "Democrats." In all their earlier strifes they had been charged by their opponents with desiring to run to the extremes of the democratic or "mob rule," and fear of too general a belief in the truth of the charge led them to denials and rejection of a name which the father of their party had ever shown a fondness Before Jefferson's administration closed for. The earlier dangers which had he recommended the passage of an act to threatened their organization; and the re- prohibit the African slave trade after Jancollection of defeats suffered in their at-uary 1st, 1808, and it was passed accordtempts to establish a government anti-fed-ingly. He had also rejected the form of a eral and confederate in their composition, treaty received from the British minister had been greatly modified by later successes, and with a characteristic cuteness peculiar to Americans they accepted an epithet.and sought to turn it to the best account. In this they, imitated the patriots .who accepted the epithets in the British satirical song of "Yankee Doodle," and called themselves Yankees. From the ninth Congress the Jeffersonian Republicans called themselves Democrats, and the word Republican passed into disuse until later on in the history of our political parties, the opponents of the Democracy accepted it as a name which well filled the meaning of their attitude in the politics of the country.

Mr. Randolph of Roanoke, made the first schism in the Republican party under Jefferson, when he and three of his friends voted against the embargo act. He resisted its passage with his usual earnestness, and all attempts at reconciling him to the measure were unavailing. Self-willed, strong in argument and sarcasm, it is believed that his cause made it even more desirable for the Republicans to change name in the hope of recalling some of the more wayward Democrats" who had advocated Jacobin democracy in the years gone by. The politicians of that day were never short of expedients, and no man so abounded in them as Jefferson himself.

Erskine, and did this without the formality of submitting it to the Senate-first, because it contained no provision on the objectionable practice of impressing our seamen; second, because it was accompanied by a note from the British ministers, by which the British government reserved to itself the right of releasing itself from the stipulations in favor of neutral rights, if the United States submitted to the British decree, or other invasion of those rights by France." This rejection of the treaty by Jefferson caused public excitement, and the Federalists sought to arouse the commercial community against his action, and cited the fact that his own trusted friends, Monroe and Pinckney had negotiated it. The President's party stood by him, and they agreed that submission to the Senate was immaterial, as its advice could not bind him. This refusal to consider the treaty was the first step leading to the war of 1812, for embargoes followed, and Britain openly claimed the right to search American vessels for her deserting seamen. In 1807 this question was brought to issue by the desertion of five British seamen from the Hal fax, and their enlistment on the U. S. frigate Chesapeake. Four separate demands were made for these men, but all of the commanders, knowing the firm attitude of Jefferson's administration

Randolph improved his opportunities by against the practice, refused, as did the getting most of the Virginia members to Secretary of State refuse a fifth demand act with him against the foreign policy of on the part of the British minister. On the administration, but he was careful not the 23d of June following, while the to join the Federalists, and quickly denied Chesapeake was near the capes of Virginia, any leaning that way. The first fruit of Capt. Humphreys of the British ship LeoLis faction was to bring forth Monroe as a pard attempted to search her for deserters. candidate for President against Madison-Capt. Barron denied the right of search, a movement which proved to be quite but on being fired into, lowered his flag, popular in Virginia, but which Jefferson

flanked by bringing about a reconciliation

*From the Statesman' Manual, Vol. 1, by Edwin Williams.

Humphreys then took four men from the Chesapeake, three of whom had previously entered the British service, but were Americans by birth, and had been formally demanded by Washington. The act was a direct violation of the international law, for a nation's ship at sea like its territory is inviolable. The British government disavowed the act of its officer and offered apology and reparation, which were accepted. This event, however, strengthened Jefferson's rejection of the Monroe-Pinckney treaty, and quickly stopped adverse political criticism at home. Foreign affairs remained, however, in a complicated state, owing to the wars between England and the then successful Napoleon, but they in no wise shook the firm hold which Jefferson had upon the people, nor the prestige of his party. He stands in history as one of the best politicians our land has ever seen, and then as now no one could successfully draw the line between the really able politician and the statesman. He was accepted as both. His administration closed on the 3d of March, 1809, when he expressed great gratification at being able to retire to private life.

proposal, and received the benefits of the act, and the direct result was to increase the growing hostility of England. From this time forward the negotiations had more the character of a diplomatic contest than an attempt to maintain peace. Both countries were upon their mettle, and early in 1811, Mr. Pinckney, the American minister to Great Britain, was recalled, and a year later a formal declaration cf war was made by the United States.

Just prior to this the old issue, made by the Republicans against Hamilton's scheme for a National Bank, was revived by the fact that the charter of the bank ceased on the 4th of March, 1811, and an attempt was made to recharter it. A bill for this purpose was introduced into Congress, but on the 11th of January, 1811, it was indefinitely postponed in the House, by a vote of 65 to 64, while in the Senate it was rejected by the casting vote of the Vice-President, Geo. Clinton, on the 5th of February, 1811-this notwithstanding its provisions had been framed or approved by Gallatin, the Secretary of the Treasury. The Federalists were all strong advocates of the measure, and it was so strong that it divided some of the Democrats who enMr. Madison succeeded at a time when joyed a loose rein in the contest so far as the country, through fears of foreign aggres- the administration was concerned, the sion and violence, was exceedingly gloomy President not specially caring for political and despondent-a feeling not encouraged quarrels at a time when war was threatened in the least by the statements of the Fed- with a powerful foreign nation. The views eralists, some of whom then thought politi- of the Federalists on this question descendcal criticism in hours of danger not un-ed to the Whigs some years later, and this patriotic. They described our agriculture fact led to the charges that the Whigs as discouraged, our fisheries abandoned, were but Federalists in disguise. our commerce restrained, our navy dismantled, our revenues destroyed at a time when war was at any moment probable with either France, England or Spain.

The eleventh Congress continued the large Democratic majority, as did the twelfth, which met on the 4th of November, 1811, Henry Clay, then an ardent supporter of the policy of Madison, succeeding to the House speakership. He had previously served two short sessions in the U. S. Senate, and had already acquired a high reputation as an able and fluent debater. He preferred the House, at that period of life, believing his powers better calculated to win fame in the more popular representative hall. Calhoun was also in the House at this time, and already noted for the boldness of his views and their assertion.

Madison, representing as he did the same party, from the first resolved to follow the policy of Jefferson, a fact about which there was no misunderstanding. He desired to avert war as long as possible with England, and sought by skilful diplomacy to avert the dangers presented by both France and England in their attitude with neutrals. England had declared that a man who was once a subject always remained a subject, and on this plea based her determination to impress again into her service all deserters from her navy. France, be- In this Congress jealousies arose against cause of refusal to accede to claims equally the political power of Virginia, which had at war with our rights, had authorized the already named three of the four Presiseizure of all American vessels entering dents, each for two terms, and De Witt the ports of France. In May, 1810, when Clinton, the well-known Governor of New the non-intercourse act had expired, Madi-York, sought through these jealousies to son caused proposals to be made to both create a division which would carry him belligerents, that if either would revoke its into the Presidency. His efforts were for a hostile edict, the non-intercourse act should time warmly seconded by several northern be revived and enforced against the other and southern states. A few months later nation. This act had been passed by the the Legislature of New York formally tenth Congress as a substitute for the em- opened the ball by nominating DeWitt bargo. France quickly accepted Madison's | Clinton for the Presidency. An address

was issued by his friends, August 17th, 1812, | hac actually been intriguing for the diswhich has since become known as the Clin-memberment of the Union. tonian platform, and his followers were The act declaring war was approved by known as Clintonian Democrats. The ad- the President on the 18th of June, 1812, dress contained the first public protest and is remarkably short and comprehenagainst the nomination of Presidential can- sive. It was drawn by the attorney-general didates by Congressional caucuses. There of the United States, William Pinckney, was likewise declared opposition to that and is in the words following:"official regency which prescribed tenets of political faith." The efforts of particular states to monopolize the principal offices was denounced, as was the continuance of public men for long periods in office.

"An act declaring war between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, and the United, States of America and their territories.

"Be it enacted, &c. That war be, and the same is hereby declared to exist between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America, and their territories; and that the President of the United States is hereby authorized to use the whole land and naval force of the United States to carry the same into effect, and to issue to private armed vessels of the

marque and general reprisal, in such form as he shall think proper, and under the seal of the United States, against the vessels, goods, and effects, of the government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the subjects thereof."

Madison was nominated for a second term by a Congressional caucus held at Washington, in May, 1812. John Langdon was nominated for Vice-President, but as he declined on account of age, Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, took his place. In September of the same year a convention of the opposition, representing eleven states, was held in the city of New York, which nominated De Witt Clinton, with United States commissions, or letters of Jared Ingersoll for Vice-President. This was the first national convention, partisan in character, and the Federalists have the credit of originating and carrying out the idea. The election resulted in the success of Madison, who received 128 electoral votes to 89 for Clinton. This was a soul-stirring message, but it Though factious strife had been some-did not rally all the people as it should what rife, less attention was paid to poli- have done. Political jealousies were very tics than to the approaching war. There great, and the frequent defeats of the Fedwere new Democratic leaders in the lower eralists, while they tended to greatly reduce House, and none were more prominent their numbers and weaken their power, than Clay of Kentucky, Calhoun, Cheves seemed to strengthen their animosity, and and Lowndes, all of South Carolina. The they could see nothing good in any act of policy of Jefferson in reducing the army the administration. They held, especially and navy was now greatly deplored, and in the New England states, that the war had the defenceless condition in which it left been declared by a political party simply, the country was the partial cause, at least a and not by the nation, though nearly all of stated cause of the factious feuds which fol- the Middle, and all of the Southern and lowed. Madison sought to change this Western States, warmly supported it. policy, and he did it at the earnest solici- Clay estimated that nine-tenths of the peotation of Clay, Calhoun and Lowndes, who ple were in favor of the war, and under the were the recognized leaders of the war inspiration of his eloquence and the strong party. They had early determined that state papers of Madison, they doubtless Madison should be directly identified were at first. Throughout they felt their with them, and before his second nomina-political strength, and they just as heartily tion had won him over to their more decided views in favor of war with England. He had held back, hoping that diplomacy might avert a contest, but when once convinced that war was inevitable and even desirable under the circumstances, his Four Federalist representatives in Conofficial utterances were bold and free. In gress went so far as to issue an address, the June following the caucus which re-opposing the war, the way in which it had nominated him, he declared in a message that our flag was continually insulted on the high seas; that the right of searching American vessels for British seamen was still in practice, and that thousands of American citizens had in this way been impressed in service on foreign ships; that peacful efforts at adjustment of the difficulties had proved abortive, and that the British ministry and British emissaries

returned the bitterness manifested by those of the Federalists who opposed the war, branding them as enemies of the republic, and monarchists who preferred the reign of Britain.

been declared, and denouncing it as unjust. Some of the New England states refused the order of the President to support it with their militia, and Massachusetts sent peace memorials to Congress.

A peace party was formed with a view to array the religious sentiment of the country against the war, and societies with similar objects were organized by the more radical of the Federalists. To such an ex

treme was this opposition carried, that | jesty and the United States are desirous of some of the citizens of New London, Conn., continuing their efforts to promote its entire made a practice of giving information to abolition, it is hereby agreed that both the the enemy, by means of blue lights, of the contracting parties shall use their best endeparture of American vessels. deavors to accomplish so desirable an object."

The Hartford Convention.

This opposition finally culminated in the assembling of a convention at Hartford, at which delegates were present from all of the New England states. They sat for three weeks with closed doors, and issued an address which will be found in this volume in the book devoted to political platforms. It was charged by the Democrats that the real object of the convention was to negotiate a separate treaty of peace, on behalf of New England, with Great Britain, but this charge was as warmly denied. The exact truth has not since been discovered, the fears of the participants of threatened trials for treason, closing their mouths, if their professions were false. The treaty of Ghent, which was concluded on December 14th, 1814, prevented other action by the Hartford convention than that stated. It had assembled nine days before the treaty,

which is as follows:

Treaty of Ghent.

The eleventh and last article provides for binding effect of the treaty, upon the exchange of ratifications.

The position of New England in the war is explained somewhat by her exposed position. Such of the militia as served endured great hardships, and they were almost constantly called from their homes to meet new dangers. Distrusting their loyheld all supplies from the militia of Massaalty, the general government had withchusetts and Connecticut for the year 1814, and these States were forced to bear the burden of supporting them, at the same time contributing their quota of taxes to the general government-hardships, by the way, not greater than those borne by Pennsylvania and Ohio in the late war for the Union, nor half as hard as those borne by the border States at the same time. True, the coast towns of Massachusetts were subjected to constant assault from the British navy, and the people of these felt that they were defenceless. It was on their petition that the legislature of Massachusetts finally, by a vote of 226 to 67, adopted the report favoring the calling of the Hartford Convention. A circular was then addressed to the Governors of the other States, with a request that it be laid before their legisla tures, inviting them to appoint delegates, and stating that the object was to deliberate upon the dangers to which the eastern

This treaty was negotiated by the Right Honorable James Lord Gambier, Henry Goulburn, Esq., and William Adams, Esq., on the part of Great Britain, and John Quincy Adams, James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, Jonathan Russell, and Albert Gal-section was exposed, "and to devise, if latin, on behalf of the United States.

The treaty can be found on p. 218, vol. 8, of Little & Brown's Statutes at Large. The first article provided for the restoration of all archives, records, or property taken by either party from the other during the war. This article expressly provides for the restoration of "slaves or other private property." The second article provided for the cessation of hostilities and limitation of time of capture. The third article provided for the restoration of prisoners of war.

The fourth article defined the boundary established by the treaty of 1783, and provided for commissioners to mark the same. The fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth articles established rules to govern the proceedings of the commissioners.

The ninth article bound the United States and His Britannic Majesty to end all hostilities with Indian tribes, with whom they were then respectively at war.

The tenth article reads as follows:"Whereas the traffic in slaves is irreconcilable with the principles of humanity and justice; and, whereas, both His Ma

practicable, means of security and defence which might be consistent with the preservation of their resources from total ruin, and not repugnant to their obligations as members of the Union." The italicized portion shows that there was at least then no design of forming a separate treaty, or of promoting disunion. The legislatures of Connecticut and Rhode Island endorsed the call and sent delegates. Those of New Hampshire and Vermont did not, but delegates were sent by local conventions. These delegates, it is hardly necessary to remark, were all members of the Federal party, and their suspected designs and action made the "Hartford Convention" a bye-word and reproach in the mouths of Democratic orators for years thereafter. It gave to the Democrats, as did the entire history of the war, the prestige of superior patriotism, and they profited by it as long as the memory of the war of 1812 was fresh. Indeed, directly after the war, all men seemed to keep in constant view the reluctance of the Federalists to support the war, and their almost open hostility to it in New England. Peace brought [ros