other side, and disputed the universality | bound to obey a particular impulsion, and of the distress which had been described; disobedience to which would be attended and contested the propriety of high or prohibitory duties, in the present active and intelligent state of the world, to stimulate industry and manufacturing enterprise. The bill was carried by a close vote in both Houses. Though brought forward avowedly for the protection of domestic manufactures, it was not entirely supported on that ground; an increase of revenue being the motive with some, the public debt then being nearly ninety millions. An increased protection to the products of several States, as lead in Missouri and Illinois, hemp in Kentucky, iron in Pennsylvania, wool in Ohio and New York, commanded many votes for the bill; and the impending presidential election had its influence in its favor.

all the parties represented at the meeting, that each will guard, by its own means, against the establishment of any future European colony within its own borders, may be advisable. This was, more than two years since, announced by my predecessor to the world, as a principle resulting from the emancipation of both the American continents. It may be so developed to the new southern nations, that they may feel it as an essential appendage to their independence."

of our goverment to lie in the people, more | Adams, stated the objects of the Congress than in its constituted authorities. It to be as follows: "An agreement between showed that they were capable of exercising the function of self-government, and lastly, it assumed the supremacy of the democracy for a long time, and until lost by causes to be referred to hereafter. The Presidential election of 1824 is remarkable under another aspect-its results cautioned all public men against future attempts to govern presidential elections in the House of Representatives; and it put an end to the practice of caucus nominations for the Presidency by members of Congress. This mode of concentrating public opinion be- Mr. Adams had been a member of Mr. gan to be practiced as the eminent men of Monroe's cabinet, filling the department the Revolution, to whom public opinion from which the doctrine would emanate. awarded a preference, were passing away, The enunciation by him as above of this and when new men, of more equal preten- "Monroe Doctrine," as it is called, is very sions, were coming upon the stage. It was different from what it has of late been suptried several times with success and general posed to be, as binding the United States approbation, because public sentiment was to guard all the territory of the New World followed-not led-by the caucus. It was from European colonization. The mesattempted in 1824 and failed; all the op- sage above quoted was written at a time ponents of Mr. Crawford, by their joint when the doctrine as enunciated by the efforts, succeeded, and justly in the fact former President through the then Secrethough not in the motive, in rendering tary was fresh in the mind of the latter, these Congress caucus nominations odious and when he himself in a communication to the people, and broke them down. to the American Senate was laying it down They were dropped, and a different mode for the adoption of all the American naadopted that of party nominations by tions in a general congress of their depuconventions of delegates from the States. ties. According to President Adams, this The administration of Mr. Adams com- "Monroe Doctrine" (according to which it menced with his inaugural address, in has been of late believed that the United which the chief topic was that of internal States were to stand guard over the two national improvement by the federal gov. Americas, and repulse all intrusive coloernment. This declared policy of the ad- nists from their shores), was entirely conministration furnished a ground of opposi- fined to our own borders; that it was only tion against Mr. Adams, and went to the proposed to get the other States of the New reconstruction of parties on the old line of World to agree that, each for itself, and by strict, or latitudinous, construction of the its own means, should guard its own terriConstitution. It was clear from the begin-tories; and, consequently, that the United ning that the new administration was to have a settled and strong opposition, and that founded in principles of government -the same principles, under different forms, which had discriminated parties at the commencement of the federal government. Men of the old school-survivors of the contest of the Adams and Jefferson times, with some exceptions, divided accordingly the federalists going for Mr. Adams, the republicans against him, with the mass of the younger generation. The Senate by a decided majority, and the House by a strong minority, were opposed to the policy of the new President.

States, so far from extending gratuitous protection to the territories of other States, would neither give, nor receive, aid in any such enterprise, but that each should use its own means, within its own borders, for its own exemption from European colonial intrusion.

No question in its day excited more intemperate discussion, excitement, and feeling between the Executive and the Senate, and none died out so quickly, than this, relative to the proposed congress of American nations. The chief advantage to be derived from its retrospect--and it is a real one is a view of the firmness with which the minority maintained the old policy of the United States, to avoid entangling alliances and interference with the affairs of other nations; and the exposition, by one so competent as Mr. Adams, of the true scope and meaning of the Monroe doctrine.

In 1826 occurred the famous debates in the Senate and the House, on the proposed Congress of American States, to contract alliances to guard against and prevent the establishment of any future European colony within its borders. The mission though sanctioned was never acted upon or carried out. It was authorized by very At the session of 1825-26 attempt was nearly a party vote, the democracy as a again made to procure an amendment to party being against it The President, Mr. I the Constitution, relation to the moda

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of election of President and Vice-Presi- | North and the South. This tariff law was dent, so as to do away with all intermedi-projected in the interest of the woolen ate agencies, and give the election to the manufacturers, but ended by including all direct vote of the people. In the Senate manufacturing interests. The passage of the matter was referred to a committee who this measure was brought about not because reported amendments dispensing with it was favored by a majority, but because electors, providing for districts equal in of political exigencies. In the then apnumber to the whole number of Senators proaching presidential election, Mr. and Representatives to which the State Adams, who was in favor of the Ameriwas entitled in Congress, and obviating all can System," supported by Mr. Clay (his excuses for caucuses and conventions to Secretary of State) was opposed by General concentrate public opinion by providing Jackson. This tariff was made an adminthat in the event of no one receiving a ma-istration measure, and became an issue in jority of the whole number of district votes the canvass. The New England States, cast, that a second election should be held which had formerly favored free trade, on limited to the two persons receiving the account of their commercial interests, highest number of votes; and in case of an changed their policy, and, led by Mr. equal division of votes on the second elec- Webster, became advocates of the protection then the House of Representatives tive system. The question of protective shall choose one of them for President, as tariff had now not only become political, is prescribed by the Constitution. The but sectional. The Southern States as a idea being that the first election, if not re-section, were arrayed against the system, sulting in any candidate receiving a ma- though prior to 1816 had favored it, not jority, should stand for a popular nomina- merely as an incident to revenue, but as a tion-a nomination by the people them-substantive object. In fact these tariff selves, out of which the election is almost bills, each exceeding the other in its desure to be made on the second trial. The gree of protection, had become a regular same plan was suggested for choosing a appendage of our presidential electionsVice-President, except that the Senate was carrying round in every cycle of four years, to finally elect, in case of failure to choose with that returning event; starting in 1816 at first and second elections. The amend- and followed up in 1820-24, and now in ments did not receive the requisite support | 1828, with successive augmentations of of two-thirds of either the Senate or the duties; the last being often pushed as a House. This movement was not of a par-party measure, and with the visible purtisan character; it was equally supported pose of influencing the presidential elecand opposed respectively by Senators and tion. General Jackson was elected, havRepresentatives of both parties. Substan- ing received 178 electoral votes to 83 retially the same plan was recommended by ceived by John Quincy Adams. Mr. President, Jackson in his first annual mes- Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, who was sage to Congress, December 8, 1829. on the ticket with Mr. Adams, was deIt is interesting to note that at this Ses-feated for the office of Vice-President, and sion of 1825 and 26, attempt was made by John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, was the Democrats to pass a tenure of office elected to that office. bill, as applicable to government emThe election of General Jackson was a ployees and office-holders; it provided triumph of democratic principle, and an 'that in all nominations made by the assertion of the people's right to govern President to the Senate, to fill vacancies themselves. That principle had been viooccasioned by an exercise of the Presi-lated in the presidential election in the dent's power to remove from office, the House of Representatives in the session of fact of the removal shall be stated to the 1824-25; and the sanction, or rebuke, of Senate at the same time that the nomina- that violation was a leading question in the tion is made, with a statement of the rea- whole canvass. It was also a triumph sons for which such officer may have been over the high protective policy, and the removed." It was also sought at the same federal internal improvement policy, and time to amend the Constitution to prohibit the latitudinous construction of the Conthe appointment of any member of Con- stitution; and of the democracy over the gress to any federal office of trust or profit, federalists, then called national republiduring the period for which he was elec- cans; and was the re-establishment of parted; the design being to make the mem-ties on principle, according to the landbers wholly independent of the Executive, marks of the early years of the governand not subservient to the latter, and in- ment. For although Mr. Adams had recapable of receiving favors in the form of ceived confidence and office from Mr. bestowals of official patronage.

The tariff of 1828 is an era in our political legislation; from it the doctrine of "nullification" originated, and from that date began a serious division between the

Madison and Mr. Monroe, and had classed with the democratic party during the "era of good feeling," yet he had previously been federal; and on the re-establishment of old party lines which began to take place

after the election of Mr. Adams in the stract contemplation of slavery, at the disHouse of Representatives, his affinities tance of five hundred or a thousand miles and policy became those of his former off." This allusion to the Missouri conparty; and as a party, with many indivi- troversy, and invective against the free dual exceptions, they became his suppor- States for their part in it, by Messrs. ters and his strength. General Jackson, Hayne and Benton, brought a reply from on the contrary, had always been demo- Mr. Webster, showing what their conduct cratic, so classing when he was a Senator had been at the first introduction of the in Congress under the administration of slavery topic in the Congress of the United the first Mr. Adams; and when party lines States, and that they totally refused to inwere most straightly drawn, and upon prin- terfere between master and slave in any ciple, and as such now receiving the support way whatever. But the topic which beof men and States which took this political came the leading feature of the whole deposition at that time, and maintained it for bate, and gave it an interest which cannot years afterwards; among the latter, notably die, was that of nullification-the assumed the States of Virginia and Pennsylvania. right of a State to annul an act of Congress The short session of 1829-30 was ren--then first broached in the Senate-and dered famous by the long and earnest de- in the discussion of which Mr. Webster bates in the Senate on the doctrine of nul- and Mr. Hayne were the champion lification, as it was then called. It started speakers on opposite sides the latter by a resolution of inquiry introduced by voicing the sentiments of the Vice-PresiMr. Foot of Connecticut; it was united dent, Mr. Calhoun. This turn in the dewith a proposition to limit the sales of the bate was brought about, by Mr. Hayne public lands to those then in the market- having made allusion to the course of New to suspend the surveys of the public lands England during the war of 1812, and espe-and to abolish the office of Surveyor- cially to the assemblage known as the General. The effect of such a resolution, Hartford Convention, and to which designs if sanctioned upon inquiry and carried into unfriendly to the Union had been atlegislative effect, would have been to check tributed. This gave Mr. Webster an opemigration to the new States in the West, portunity to retaliate, and he referred to and to check the growth and settlement of the public meetings which had just then these States and Territories. It was warmly taken place in South Carolina on the subopposed by Western members. The de- ject of the tariff, and at which resolves bate spread and took an acrimonious turn, were passed, and propositions adopted sigand sectional, imputing to the quarter of nificant of resisistance to the act; and conthe Union from which it came an old and sequently of disloyalty to the Union. He early policy to check the growth of the drew Mr. Hayne into their defence and West at the outset by proposing to limit into an avowal of what has since obtained the sale of the Western lands, by selling the current name of "Nullification." He no tract in advance until all in the rear said, "I understand the honorable gentlewas sold out; and during the debate Mr. man from South Carolina to maintain, that Webster referred to the famous ordinance it is a right of the State Legislature to interof 1787 for the government of the north- fere, whenever, in their judgment, this western territory, and especially the anti-government transcends its constitutional slavery clause which it contained. limits, and to arrest the operation of its Closely connected with this subject to laws, * * that the States may lawwhich Mr. Webster's remarks, during the fully decide for themselves, and each State debate, related, was another which excited for itself, whether, in a given case, the act some warm discussion-the topic of slavery of the general government transcends its -and the effect of its existence or non* that if the exigency existence in different States. Kentucky of the case, in the opinion of any State and Ohio were taken for examples, and government require it, such State govthe superior improvement and popula- ernment may, by its own sovereign aution of Ohio were attributed to its exemp-thority, annul an act of the general gov tion from the evils of slavery. This was ernment, which it deems plainly and palan excitable subject, and the more so be- pably unconstitutional." Mr. Hayne was cause the wounds of the Missouri contro- evidently unprepared to admit, or fully versy in which the North was the undis-deny, the propositions as so laid down, but puted aggressor, were still tender. Mr. contented himself with stating the words Hayne from South Carolina answered with of the Virginia Resolution of 1798, as folwarmth and resented as a reflection upon lows: "That this assembly doth explicitly the Slave States this disadvantageous com- and peremptorily declare, that it views the parison. Mr. Benton of Missouri followed on the same side, and in the course of his powers of the federal government as resulting from the compact, to which the States remarks said, "I regard with admiration, are parties, as limited by the plain sense that is to say, with wonder, the sublime and intention of the instrument constituting morality of those who cannot bear the ah-that compact, as no farther valid than they

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are authorized by the grants enumerated | ever any attempt shall be made from any in that compact, and that, in case of a de- quarter, to enforce unconstitutional laws, liberate, palpable and dangerous exercise clearly violating our essential rights, our of other powers, not granted by the said leaders (whoever they may be) will not be compact, the States who are parties thereto found reading black letter from the musty have the right, and are in duty bound, to pages of old law books. They will look to interpose, for arresting the progress of the the Constitution, and when called upon by evil, and for maintaining, within their re- the sovereign authority of the State, to spective limits, the authorities, rights, and preserve and protect the rights secured to liberties appertaining to them." them by the charter of their liberties, they will succeed in defending them, or 'perish in the last ditch.'

This resolution came to be understood by Mr. Hayne and others on that side of the debate, in the same sense that Mr. Webster stated, as above, he understood the gentleman from the South to interpret it. On the other side of the question, he argued that the doctrine had no foundation either in the Constitution, or on the Virginia resolutions-that the Constitution makes the federal government act upon citizens within the States, and not upon the States themselves, as in the old confederation: that within their Constitutional limits the laws of Congress were supreme -and that it was treasonable to resist them with force: and that the question of their constitutionality was to be decided by the Supreme Court: with respect to the Virginia resolutions, on which Mr. Hayne relied, Mr. Webster disputed the interpretation put upon them-claimed for them an innocent and justifiable meaning-and exempted Mr. Madison from the suspicion of having framed a resolution asserting the right of a State legislature to annul an Act of Congress, and thereby putting it in the power of one State to destroy a form of government which he had just labored so hard to establish.

These words of Mr. Hayne seem almost prophetic in view of the events of thirty years later. No one then believed in anything serious in the new interpretation given to the Virginia resolutions-nor in anything practical from nullification—nor in forcible resistance to the tariff laws from South Carolina-nor in any scheme of disunion.

Mr. Webster's closing reply was a fine piece of rhetoric, delivered in an elaborate and artistic style, and in an apparent spirit of deep seriousness. He concluded thus"When my eyes shall be turned to behold, for the last time, the sun in heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and disfigured fragments of a once glorious Union; on States dissevered, discordant, belligerent; on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood. Let their last feeble and lingering glance, rather, behold the gorgeous ensign of the Republic, now known and honored throughout the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their original lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, nor a single star obscured, bearing for its Mr. Hayne on his part gave (as the prac-motto no such miserable interrogatory as, tical part of his doctrine) the pledge of forcible resistance to any attempt to enforce unconstitutional laws. He said, "The gentleman has called upon us to carry out our scheme practically. Now, sir, if I am correct in my view of this matter, then it follows, of course, that the right of a State being established, the federal government is bound to acquiesce in a solemn decision of a State, acting in its sovereign capacity, at least so far as to make an appeal to the President Jackson in his first annual people for an amendment to the Constitu- message to Congress called attention to the tion. This solemn decision of a State binds fact of expiration in 1836 of the charter the federal government, under the highest of incorporation granted by the Federal constitutional obligation, not to resort to government to a moneyed institution called any means of coercion against the citizens The Bank of the United States, which was of the dissenting State. * * * Suppose originally designed to assist the govern Congress should pass an agrarian law, or a ment in establishing and maintaining a law emancipating our slaves, or should uniform and sound currency. He seriously commit any other gross violation of our doubted the constitutionality and expediconstitutional rights, will any gentlemen ency of the law creating the bank, and contend that the decision of every branch was opposed to a renewal of the charter. of the federal government, in favor of such His view of the matter was that if such an laws, could prevent the States from de- institution was deemed a necessity it should claring them null and void, and protecting be made a national one, in the sense of their citizens from their operation? * * being founded on the credit of the governLet me assure the gentlemen that, when-ment and its revenues, and not a corpora.

What is all this worth? nor those other words of delusion and folly, Liberty_first and Union afterwards; but everywhere, spread all over in characters of living light, blazing in all its ample folds, as they float over the sea and over the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every true American heart-Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable!"