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Soilers of the North had regarded Douglas | time that they were in themselves right, or as an ally of the South, and his admitted as nearly right as those who participated ambition for the Presidency gave color to in their adoption were given to see the this suspicion. He it was who reported right. There was certainly no attempt at and carried through Congress the bill for a division of right and wrong, and the the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, a closest investigation will show nothing bemeasure which at that time was thought to yond a surrender of power for the good of obstruct Southern designs in the territories all, which is in itself the very essence and of the great West, but this repeal proved beginning of government. in fact the first plain steps toward the free- We have said that Douglas fought dom of the territories. Having repealed bravely for his idea, and every movement that compromise, something must take its in his most remarkable campaign with place, and what better than "popular Lincoln for the U. S. Senate demonstrated Sovereignty," thought Douglas. Terri- the fact. The times were full of agitation tories contiguous to the Slave States, or in and excitement, and these were increased the same latitude, would thus naturally when it became apparent that Buchanan's revert to slavery; while those farther north, administration would aid the effort to and at that time least likely of early set- make Kansas a slave State. Douglas was tlement, would be dedicated to freedom. the first to see that the application of adThere was a grave miscalculation just here. ministration machinery to his principle, Slave-owners were not apt to change their would degrade and rob it of its fairness. homesteads, and could not with either He therefore resented Buchanan's interprofit or convenience carry their property ference, and in turn Buchanan's friends to new lands which might or might not be sought to degrade him by removing him fruitful in the crops best adapted to slave from the chairmanship of the Senate Comlabor. Slave-owners were few in number mittee on Territories, the position which compared with the free citizens of the had given him marked control over all North and the thousands of immigrants questions pertaining to the organization of annually landing on our shores. People territories and the admission of new who had once moved from the New Eng-States. land or Middle States westward, were rather fond of it, and many of these swelled the tide which constantly sought homes in the territories; and where these did not go in person their sons and daughters were quite willing to imitate the early adventures of their parents. All these counted for the North under the doctrine of "popular sovereignty," and it was the failure of that doctrine to aid the South which from this time forward caused that section to mistrust the friendship of Douglas.

No political writer has since questioned his motives, and we doubt if it can be done successfully. His views may have undergone some change since 1850, and it would be singular if they had not; for a mind as discerning as his could hardly fail to note the changes going on all about him, and no where more rapidly than in his own State. He thought his doctrine at least adapted to the time, and he stood by it with rare bravery and ability. If it had been accepted by the Republicans, it would have been fatal to their organization as a party. We doubt the ability of any party to stand long upon any mere compromise, made to suit the exigencies and avoid the dangers of the moment. It may be said that our government, first based on a confederacy and then a constitution, with a system of checks and balances, with a division of power between the people and the States, is but a compromise; but the assertion will not hold good. These things were adopted because of a belief at the

The Lincoln and Douglas Debate. The Senatorial term of Douglas was drawing near to its close, when in July, 1858, he left Washington to enter upon the canvass for re-election. The Republican State Convention of Illinois had in the month previous met at Springfield, and nominated Abraham Lincoln as a candidate for United States Senator, this with a view to pledge all Republican members of the Legislature to vote for him—a practice since gone into disuse in most of the States, because of the rivalries which it engenders and the aggravation of the dangers of defeat sure to follow in the selection of a candidate in advance. "First get your goose, then cook it," inelegantly describes the basic principles of improved political tactics. But the Republicans, particularly of the western part of Illinois, had a double purpose in the selection of Lincoln. He was not as radical as they, but he well represented the growing Republican sentiment, and he best of all men could cope with Douglas on the stump in a canvass which they desired should attract the attention of the Nation, and give shape to the sentiment of the North on all questions pertaining to slavery. The doctrine of

popular sovereignty" was not acceptable to the Republicans, the recent repeal of the Missouri compromise having led them, or the more radical portion of them, to despise all compromise measures.

The plan of the Illinois Republicans, if

indeed it was a well-settled plan, accom- interest; but these things were dwarfed in plished even more than was anticipated, the State conflict, and those who shared though it did not result in immediate success. It gave to the debate which followed between Lincoln and Douglas a world-wide celebrity, and did more to educate and train the anti-slavery sentiment, taken in connection with the ever-growing excitement in Kansas, than anything that could have happened.

Lincoln's speech before the convention which nominated him, gave the first clear expression to the idea that there was an "irrepressible conflict" between freedom and slavery. Wm. H. Seward on October 25th following, at Rochester, N. Y., expressed the same idea in these words:

It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States will sooner or later become either an entire slaveholding Nation, or an entirely free labor Nation." Lincoln's words at Springfield, in July, 1858, were:

such feelings had to make at least a show of friendship until they saw the result. Lincoln was at first handicapped by the doubts of that class of Republicans who thought "popular sovereignty" not bad Republican doctrine.

On the arrival of Douglas he replied to Lincoln's Springfield speech; on the 16th he spoke at Bloomington, and on the 17th, in the afternoon, at Springfield. Lincoln had heard all three speeches, and replied to the last on the night of the day of its delivery. He next addressed to Douglas the following challenge to debate:

CHICAGO, July 24th, 1858.

HON. S. A. DOUGLAS:-My Dear Sir :Will it be agreeable to you to make an arrangement to divide time, and address the same audience, during the present canvass? etc. Mr. Judd is authorized to receive your answer, and if agreeable to you, to enter into terms of such agreement, etc.

Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.

"If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated with the avowed object, Douglas promptly accepted the chaland confident promise of putting an end to lenge, and it was arranged that there should the slavery agitation. Under the operation be seven joint debates, each alternately of that policy, that agitation has not only opening and closing, the opening speech not ceased, but has constantly augmented. to occupy one hour, the reply one hour In my opinion it will not cease, until a and a half, and the closing half an hour. crisis shall have been reached and passed. They spoke at Ottawa, August 21st; Free'A house divided against itself cannot port, August 27th; Jonesboro', September stand.' I believe this government cannot 15th; Charleston, September 18th; Galesendure permanently half slave and half burg, October 7th; Quincy, October 13th; free. I do not expect the Union to be dis- and Alton, October 15th. We give in solved I do not expect the house to fall-Book III of this volume their closing but I do expect it will cease to be divided. speeches in full. It will become all one thing, or all the Great crowds attended, and some of the other. Either the opponents of slavery more enterprising daily journals gave phowill arrest the further spread of it, and nographic reports of the speeches. The place it where the public mind shall rest enthusiasm of the North soon ran in Linin the belief that it is in the course of ulti-coln's favor, though Douglas had hosts of mate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new-North as well as South."

friends; but then the growing and the aggressive party was the Republican, and even the novelty of a new and attractive doctrine like that of "popular sovereignty" could not long divert their attention. The prize suspended in view of the combatants was the United States Senatorship, and to close political observers this was plainly within the grasp of Douglas by reason of an apportionment which would give his party a majority in the Legisla ture, even though the popular majority should be twenty thousand against him

Douglas arrived in Chicago on the 9th of July, and was warmly received by enthusiastic friends. His doctrine of "popular sovereignty" had all the attractions of novelty and apparent fairness. For months it divided many Republicans, and at one time the New York Tribune showed indications of endorsing the position of Douglas a fact probably traceable to the attitude of jealousy and hostility manifested a system of apportionment, by the way, toward him by the Buchanan administration. Neither of the great debaters were to be wholly free in the coming contest. Douglas was undermined by Buchanan, who feared him as a rival, and by the more bitter friends of slavery, who could not see that the new doctrine was safely in their

not confined to Illinois alone, or not peculiar to it in the work of any of the great parties at any period when party lines were drawn.

Buchanan closely watched the fight, and it was charged and is still believed by the friends of the "Little Giant," that the

administration secretly employed its patronage and power to defeat him. Certain it is that a few prominent Democrats deserted the standard of Douglas, and that some of them were rewarded. In the heat of the battle, however, Douglas' friends were careless of the views of the administration. He was a greater leader than Buchanan, and in Illinois at least he overshadowed the administration. He lacked neither money nor friends. Special trains of cars, banners, cannon, bands, processions, were all supplied with lavish hands. The democracy of Illinois, nor yet of any other State, ever did so well before or since, and if the administration had been with him this enthusiasm might have spread to all other States and given his doctrine a larger and more glorious life. Only the border States of the South, however, saw opportunity and glory in it, while the office-holders in other sections stood off and awaited results.

Lincoln's position was different. He, doubtless, early realized that his chances for election were remote indeed, with the apportionment as it was, and he sought to impress the nation with the truth of his convictions, and this without other display than the force of their statement and publication. Always a modest man, he was never more so than in this great battle. He declared that he did not care for the local result, and in the light of what transpired, the position was wisely taken. Douglas was apparently just as earnest, though more ambitious; for he declared in the vehemence of the advocacy of his doctrine, that "he did not care whether slavery was voted up or voted down." Douglas had more to lose than Lincolna place which his high abilities had honored in the United States Senate, and which intriguing enemies in his own party made him doubly anxious to hold. Beaten, and he was out of the field for the Presidency, with his enthroned rival a candidate for re-election. Successful, and that rival must leave the field, with himself in direct command of a great majority of the party. This view must have then been presented, but the rapid rise in public feeling made it in part incorrect. The calculation of Douglas that he could at one and the same time retain the good will of all his political friends in Illinois and those of the South failed him, though he did at the time, and until his death, better represent the majority of his party in the whole country than any other leader.

there were sharp questions and answers between the debaters. They were brought on by Lincoln, who, after alluding to some questions propounded to him at Ottawa, said:

"I now propose that I will answer any of the interrogatories, upon condition that he will answer questions from me not exceeding the same number, to which I give him an opportunity to respond. The judge remains silent; I now say that I will answer his interrogatories, whether he answer mine or not, and that after I have done so I shall propound mine to him.

"I have supposed myself, since the or-. ganization of the Republican party at Bloomington in May, 1856, bound as a party man by the platforms of the party, there, and since. If, in any interrogatories which I shall answer, I go beyond the scope of what is within these platforms, it will be perceived that no one is responsible but myself.

"Having said thus much, I will take up the judge's interrogatories as I find them printed in the Chicago Times, and answer them seriatim. In order that there may be no mistake about it, I have copied the interrogatories in writing, and also my answers to them. The first one of these interrogatories is in these words:

Question 1.-I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day stands, as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law?

Answer. I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law.

Q. 2.-I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more slave States into the Union, even if the people want them?

A.-I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against the admission of any more slave States into the Union.

Q. 3-I want to know, whether he stands pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union, with such a Constitution as the people of the State may see fit to make?

A.-I do not stand pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union, with such a Constitution as the people of the State may see fit to make.

Q. 4.-I want to know whether he stands to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia?

A.-I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Co

Q. 5.-I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to the prohibition of the slave trade between the different States?

At the election which followed the de-lumbia. bate, the popular choice in the State as a whole was for Lincoln by 126,084 to 121,940 for Douglas; but the apportionment of 1850 gave to Douglas a plain majority of the Senators and Representatives.

At the Freeport meeting, August 27th,

A.-I do not stand pledged to prohibition of the slave trade between the different States.

Q. 6.-I desire to know whether he inhabitants, according to the English bill stands pledged to prohibit slavery in all-some ninety-three thousand-will he the Territories of the United States, North vote to admit them? as well as South of the Missouri Compromise line?

A.-I am impliedly, if not expressly, pledged to a belief in the RIGHT and DUTY of Congress to prohibit slavery in all of the United States' Territories.

Q. 7.-I desire him to answer, whether he is opposed to the acquisition of any new territory, unless slavery is first prohibited therein?

A.-I am not generally opposed to honest acquisition of territory; and in any given case, I would or would not oppose such acquisition, according as I might think such acquisition would or would not aggravate the slavery question among ourselves.

"Now, my friends, it will be perceived upon an examination of these questions and answers, that so far, I have only answered that I was not pledged to this, that, or the other.

2. Can the people of the United States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State Constitution?

3. If the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide that States cannot exclude slavery from their limits, are you in favor of acquiescing in, adopting and following such decision as a rule of political action?

4. Are you in favor of acquiring additional territory in disregard of how much acquisition may affect the nation on the slavery question?

To these questions Mr. Douglas said: "In reference to Kansas, it is my opinion that, as she has population enough to constitute a slave State, she has people enough for a free State. I hold it to be a sacred rule of universal application, to require a Territory to contain the requisite population for a member of Congress, before it is admitted as a State into the Union.

The judge has not framed his interrogatories to ask me anything more than this and I have answered in strict accordance with the interrogatories, and have answered 2. "It matters not what way the Supreme truly, that I am not pledged at all upon Court may hereafter decide, as to the abany of the points to which I have an-stract question whether slavery may or swered. But I am not disposed to hang upon the exact form of his interrogatories. I am rather disposed to take up, at least some of these questions, and state what I really think upon them.

may not go into a Territory under the Constitution, the people have the lawful means to introduce it, or exclude it as they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a day, or an hour, anywhere, unless "The fourth one is in regard to the abo- it is supported by local police regulations. lition of slavery in the District of Colum- These police regulations can only be estabbia. In relation to that, I have my mind lished by the local legislature, and if the very distinctly made up. I should be very people are opposed to slavery, they will glad to see slavery abolished in the Dis-elect representatives to that body, who will, trict of Columbia. I believe that Congress by unfriendly legislation, effectually prepossesses the constitutional power to abolish vent the introduction of it into their midst. it. Yet, as a member of Congress, I should If, on the contrary, they are for it, their not, with my present views, be in favor of endeavoring to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, unless it should be upon these conditions: FIRST, That the abolition should be gradual; SECOND, That it should be on a vote of a majority of qualified voters in the District; and THIRD, That compensation should be made to unwilling owners. With these three conditions, I confess I would be exceedingly glad to see Congress abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the language of Henry Clay, 'sweep from our Capital that foul blot upon our nation."" I now proceed to propound to the judge the interrogatories, so far as I have framed them. I will bring forward a new instalment when I get them ready. I will bring now only four. The first one is

1. If the people of Kansas shall, by means entirely unobjectionable in all other respects, adopt a State Constitution and ask admission into the Union under it before they have the requisite number of

legislation will favor its extension. Hence, no matter what the decision of the Supreme Court may be on that abstract question, still the right of the people to make a slave Territory or a free Territory is perfect and complete under the Nebraska bill.

"3. The third question which Mr. Lincoln presented is, if the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide that a State of this Union cannot exclude slavery from its own limits, will I submit to it? I am amazed that Mr. Lincoln should ask such a question.

He casts an imputation upon the Supreme Court of the United States by supposing that they would violate the constitution of the United States. I tell him that such a thing is not possible. It would be an act of moral treason that no man on the bench could ever descend to. Mr. Lincoln, himself, would never, in his partisan feelings, so far forget what was right as to be guilty of such an act.

4. With our natural increase, growing | Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent. with a rapidity unknown in any other part It is the eternal struggle between these two of the globe, with the tide of emigration principles-right and wrong-throughout that is fleeing from despotism in the old the world. They are two principles that world, to seek refuge in our own, there is have stood face to face from the beginning a constant torrent pouring into this coun- of time; and will ever continue to struggle. try that requires more land, more terri- The one is the common right of humanity, ory upon which to settle, and just as fast and the other the divine right of Kings. is our interests and our destiny require It is the same principle in whatever shape an additional territory in the North, in the it develops itself. It is the same spirit that South, or on the Island of the Ocean, I says, 'you work and toil, and earn bread, am for it, and when we require it, will and I'll eat it.' No matter in what shape leave the people, according to the Nebraska it comes, whether from the mouth of a bill, free to do as they please on the sub- King who seeks to bestride the people of ject of slavery, and every other ques- his own nation and life by the fruit of their labor, or from one race of men as an apology for enslaving another race, it is the same tyrannical principle." And again:-.

tion."

The bitterness of the feelings aroused by the canvass and boldness of Douglas, can both be well shown by a brief abstract from his speech at Freeport. He had per- "On this subject of treating it as a sisted in calling the Republicans "Black wrong, and limiting its spread, let me say a Republicans," although the crowd, the word. Has anything ever threatened the great majority of which was there against existence of this Union save and except him, insisted that he should say "White this very institution of slavery? What is Republican." In response to these oft re-it that we hold most dear among us? Our peated demands, he said :

own liberty and prosperity. What has "Now, there are a great many Black ever threatened our liberty and prosperity Republicans of you who do not know this save and except this institution of slavery? thing was done. ("White, white, and If this is true, how do you propose to imgreat clamor)." I wish to remind you that prove the condition of things? by enlarging while Mr. Lincoln was speaking, there slavery?-by spreading it out and making was not a Democrat vulgar and black- it bigger? You may have a wen or cancer guard enough to interrupt him. But I upon your person and not be able to cut it know that the shoe is pinching you. I am out, lest you bleed to death; but surely it clinching Lincoln now, and you are scared is no way to cure it, to engraft it and to death for the result. I have seen this spread it over your whole body. That is thing before. I have seen men make ap- no proper way of treating what you regard pointments for discussions and the mo- a wrong. You see this peaceful way of ment their man has been heard, try to in- dealing with it as a wrong-restricting the terrupt and prevent a fair hearing of the spread of it, and not allowing it to go into other side. I have seen your mobs before new countries where it has not already and defy your wrath. (Tremendous ap-existed. That is the peaceful way, the plause.)

"My friends, do not cheer, for I need my whole time.

old-fashioned way, the way in which the fathers themselves set us the example."

"I have been put to severe tests. I have The administration of Pierce had left stood by my principles in fair weather and that of Buchanan a dangerous legacy. He in foul, in the sunshine and in the rain. found the pro-slavery party in Congress I have defended the great principle of temporarily triumphant, it is true, and self-government here among you when supported by the action of Congress in reNorthern sentiment ran in a torrent against jecting the Topeka constitution and recme, and I have defended that same great ognizing the territorial government, but principle when Southern sentiment came he found that that decision was not accepdown like an avalanche upon me. I was table either to the majority of the people not afraid of any test they put to me. I in the country or to a rapidly rising antiknew I was right-I knew my principles slavery sentiment in the North. Yet he were sound-I knew that the people would saw but one course to pursue, and that was see in the end that I had done right, and to sustain the territorial government, which I knew that the God of Heaven would had issued the call for the Lecompton consmile upon me if I was faithful in the per- vcntion. He was supported in this view formance of my duty." by the action of the Supreme Court, which had decided that slavery existed in Kansas under the constitution of the United States, and that the people therein could only relieve themselves of it by the election of delegates who would prohibit it in the constitution to be framed by the Lecomp

As an illustration of the earnestness of Lincoln's position we need only quote two paragraphs from his speech at Alton:

"Is slavery wrong? That is the real issue. That is the issue that will continue in this country when these poor tongues of

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