mortality; but from this study, perhaps more than from any preceding it, the bureau states that it is satisfied that the mother's employment away from home is a causal factor in infant mortality. Concerning the employment of mothers before childbirth, the report states,

The variations in still birth rates and the mortality from early infancy in relation to the interval of rest before confinement indicate the importance of the mother's ceasing her employment outside the home at least two weeks before her confinement.

Of the effect upon the infant of the mother's gainful work after parturition, the bureau continues,

Employment away from home during the baby's first year increased the hazard to the baby. This increase in the hazard was especially marked when the mother took up her work before the baby was 6 months old. The mothers employed away from home resorted largely to artificial feeding for their babies, but the greater prevalence of artificial feeding accounts only in part for the special hazard. The actual number of deaths was greater than the number that would have occurred among them if these babies had faced the average hazards to all babies of their nationalities and their economic status who had the same high percentage of artificial feeding.1

This verdict had not been made when the Factory Investigating Commission presented its bill to the legislature in 1912. However the New York medical inspector of factories in 1910, had urged the prohibition of women's work after childbirth for two reasons; first, because the health of children depends upon the health of the mother and the care she can give them, and second, because the stability of the state depends upon the healthfulness of its citizens. The

1 Publication of the Children's Bureau, U. S. Department of Labor, Bulletin no. 119, p. 130.

causes given for the evil effects of the mother's employment were, (1) overwork of the expectant mother or exposure to industrial poisons which affects the vitality of the child; (2) the substitution of artificial feeding for breast feeding; and (3) the necessary neglect of the child by the mother who is employed away from home.1

Furthermore the Brooklyn Pediatric Society, after a discussion of "The Causes and Prevention of Premature Birth," sent its official endorsement of the plans of the factory commission. A resolution was sent in response to a letter from the commission's counsel, Mr. Elkus, as follows:

Whereas, the statistics collected by many investigators, both in this country and abroad, conclusively prove that factory labor is responsible for a large percentage of prematurity and infant mortality; Be it resolved, That the Brooklyn Pediatric Society heartily endorses the efforts of the Factory Investigating Commission to regulate, by law, the employment of women immediately before and after childbirth.2

However, despite precedent and recommendations for prohibitions both before and after parturition, the factory commission's final bill, as drafted and passed, required prohibition of work following childbirth only. Perhaps this compromise stand was taken pragmatically, but it will be seen in a later chapter that even this minimum provision has been impossible to enforce.

1 Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor, 1910, pp. 78-79. 'Preliminary Report of the Factory Investigating Commission, 1912, vol. i, p. 807.

The prohibition of core making as an occupation for women where the cores are baked in the making room had an interesting inception. Pronounced opinions were expressed by the witnesses of the Factory Investigating Commission which brought weight in drafting the bill for the legislature. One witness, a manufacturer of harvesting machinery, testified that his theory was that foundries should be so constructed that men as well as women were protected from unhealthy fumes and gases by a proper ventilating system, and that without proper ventilation to carry off fumes neither men nor women should be employed in the core room.2 On the other hand a doctor who was also a health officer in Buffalo testified that he did not think women should be employed to work in foundries because "it is no place for them." He seemed unable, however, to substantiate his views to the satisfaction of his examiners on the basis either of exposure or offensive fumes. On the one hand, he thought employment of women in slaughter houses was not unadvisable, even though standing in water was necessary. His suggestion was that they could wear rubber boots. On the other hand, when asked to explain why the fumes in foundries are more offensive than those in garbage crematory works where women are employed, the

3

1 Cores are parts of molds which fill the spaces that are to be left hollow in finished castings. Sand mixed with molasses or other adhesive material is rammed into the mold or core-box to be given perfect form, then turned out into a metal plate for baking. Small cores one inch or more in size are made and lifted by hand, while a carefully balanced hoisting system is used for the heavier work, some cores measuring many feet. The fumes that ensue during the baking of cores are obnoxious and deleterious to the persons employed unless they can be carried off by a well regulated process of ventilation.

2 Report of the New York Factory Investigating Commissions, 1913, vol. iv, pp. 1806-7.

Ibid., p. 1786.

The simple statement that

doctor refused to respond.1 women should not be permitted to work "in foundries generally, unless wrapping small pieces of iron," was the theory to which he clung.

The testimony of labor representatives was unequivocal. But before representing them it is worth while to consider the attitude of organized molders in general toward women core makers. In the constitution and rules of order of the International Molders' Union of North America, article 13, section 6, page 37, is included the following:

Any member, honorary or active, who devotes his time in part or in whole to the instruction of female help in the foundry or at any branch of the trade shall be expelled from this union.

On page 66 are found three resolutions passed at the 25th convention and included in the constitution and rules of order, as follows:

13. Resolved, That the decision of this convention be the restriction of the further employment of child and woman labor in union core rooms and foundries, and eventually the elimination of such labor in all foundries by the example set by union foundries in the uplifting of humanity.

Resolved, That we appeal to the workingmen of both countries when depositing their ballots to vote for the candidates who will pledge themselves to vote for measures and legislation which will eradicate this evil.

Resolved, That the incoming officers be directed to, either by themselves or in cooperation with others in the labor movement, give their best thought and effort in opposing the employment of female and child labor in jobs recognized distinctively as men's employment.2

1 Ibid., p. 1800.

'Reproduced on page 158 of The New Position of Women in American Industry, by the Women's Bureau of the U. S. Department of Labor, Bulletin no. 12, 1920. It is explained by the Bureau (p. 109) that the

According to authority the molders' union has steadfastly frowned upon the employment of women in or about the foundry, but though women were employed in Detroit foundries as early as 1884, they did not become a fully recognized "industrial problem" until 1907. At this time the policy of fining members, "honorary or active," was established. The fine was not to be in excess of fifty dollars, but for a second offence the penalty was expulsion from the union. Strikes ensued against the increasing number of women core makers who, in 1912, numbered 1,039 in ninety malleable iron shops. "In order to reach establishments where labor organization would prove very difficult, the Molders endeavored to secure restrictive legislation. In 1910 a bill to prohibit the employment of woman core-makers was introduced in the New York legislature but failed to pass. At the next session of the legislature the bill was reintroduced and the International sent a lobbyist to work for its passage." 1

2

Thus the molders were certain of their views when asked to give them before the Factory Investigating Commission in 1913. The representative of the core makers' union of Buffalo declared for his union of 167 members that they were opposed "to this women's core maker bill . . . permitting them to work in a foundry. We claim it is not a proper place for women to be employed." He continued, "The way I look at it is, I believe that all of these women who are working in foundries now should be under a doctor's care, a whole lot of them. I know one person in particular

molder's union considers core making as one part of a molder's apprenticeship and that women core-makers cut men off one step in their training.

'Frank T. Stockton, "The International Molders Union of North America," Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, 1921, pp. 61-62.

'Report of the Factory Investigating Commission, 1913, vol. iv, pp. 1808-1809.