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Born in Burke co., Ga., December 12, 1820; moved early to Alabama, and received academic education; admitted to bar in 1841, and acquired a lucrative practice; elected to 36th Congress, but withdrew when State seceded; served in Confederate army; elected to Confederate Congress, 1861-63; resumed law practice at Eufaula; member of Convention that framed State Constitution in 1875; elected to U. S. Senate in 1880; re-elected 1884 and 1890; member of Committees on Education and Judiciary, Privileges and Elections, Revolutionary Claims and Extension of Congressional Library.

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Born at Proctorsville, Vermont, June 1, 1831; graduated from Dartmouth, 1851, and from Albany Law School in 1859; practiced law in Boston; served in Army 1861-63; rose to be Colonel of Fifteenth Vermont Volunteers; returned to practice of law; elected to Assembly, 1867-68; again, 1888; served in State Senate, 1874-76; elected Lieutenant-Governor, 1876; advanced to Governor, 1878; delegate-at-large to Republican National Conventions, 1884, 1888; appointed Secretary of War by President Harrison, 1889; resigned November 1, 1891, to take place of Senator Edmunds in United States Senate; and October 18, 1892, was elected to fill both the unexpired and the full terms. His term expires in 1899.

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Cuba to introduce Spanish authority within the territory of Dominica."

President Grant's position in 1870, was this:

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The allied and other Republics of Spanish origin on this continent may see in this fact a new proof of our sincere interest in their welfare; of our desire to see them blessed with good Government, capable of maintaining order and of preserving their respective territorial integ rity, and of our sincere wish to extend our own commerIcial and social relations with them. The time is not probably far distant when, in the natural course of events, the European political connection with this continent will cease. Our politics will be shaped in view of this prob ability, so as to ally the commercial interests of the Spanish-American States more closely to our own, and thus give the United States all the preeminence and all the advantages which Mr. Monroe, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Clay contemplated when they proposed to join in the Congress of Panama."

President Cleveland, in his special message of Decem ber 17, 1895, upon the boundary controversy between Great Britain and Venezuela, thus applied the doctrine:

"Without attempting extended argument in reply to these positions, it may not be amiss to suggest that the doctrine upon which we stand is strong and sound because its enforcement is important to our peace and safety as a nation, and is essential to the integrity of our free institutions and the tranquil maintenance of our distinctive form of Government. It was intended to apply to every stage of our National life, and cannot become obsolete while our Republic endures. If the balance of power is justly a cause for jealous anxiety among the Governments

of the Old World and a subject for our absolute non-interference, none the less is an observance of the Monroe Doctrine of vital concern to our people and their Govern

ment.

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Assuming, therefore, that we may properly insist upon this doctrine without regard to the state of things in which we live,' or any changed conditions here or elsewhere, it is not apparent why its application may not be Invoked in the present controversy.

"If a European power, by an extension of its boundaries, takes possession of the territory of one of our neighboring Republics against its will and in derogation of its rights, it is difficult to see why, to that extent, such European power does not thereby attempt to extend its system of Government to that portion of this continent which is thus taken. This is the precise action which President Monroe declared to be dangerous to our peace and safety,' and it can make no difference whether the European system is extended by an advance of frontier or otherwise."

Thus the Monroe Doctrine has been accepted as a public law of the country ever since its announcement. It was the controlling factor in the emancipation of South America, and to it the independent states which now divide that region between them are largely indebted for their very existence. Since then the most striking single achievement to be credited to the rule is the evacuation of Mexico by the French upon the termination of the Civil war. But we are also indebted to it for the provisions of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, which both neutralized any interoceanic canal across Central America and expressly excluded Great Britain from occupying or exercising any dominion over any part of Cental America.

It has been used in the case of Cuba as if justifying the position that, while the sovereignty of Spain will be respected, the island will not be permitted to become the possession of any other European power. It has been in. fluential in bringing about the definite relinquishment of any supposed protectorate by Great Britain over the Mos. quito coast.

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