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States beyond the Blue Ridge Mountains. And in that connection I present a candidate who represents every element which is presented to you in your platform and in your distinguished candidate for the Presidency, Mr. William J. Bryan. I take pleasure in presenting for your careful consideration the name of Arthur Sewall, of Maine And, Mr. President, it may be well said of him in con nection with the great questions involved in this matte! and the interests which are before you, that he will fulfill the pledges which have been made by your platform. You will make no mistake in nominating him.” (Applause.)

Among the other candidates whose names had been placed in nomination, were those of Sibley, Penna.; McLean, Ohio; Williams, Mass.; Boies, Iowa; Bland, Mo.; Blackburn, Ky.; Daniel, Va. Th ballots cast resulted as follows:

FIRST BALLOT.

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On the fifth ballot the name of Mr. McLean, who had reached the limit of his strength, was withdrawn and the ballot was practically unanimous for Mr. Sewall. He was warmly congratulated over his nomination by his friends at Chicago, and at once became the recipient of hundreds of congratulatory telegrams from all parts of the country. On his return home he was received with an ovation by the people of Bath, without distinction of party, who were delighted over the fact that so distinguished an honor had been conferred on their fellow townsman.

THE DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM OF 1896.

We, the Democrats of the United States, in National convention assembled, do reaffirm our allegiance to those great essential principles of justice and liberty upon which our institutions are founded, and which the Democratic party has advocated from Jefferson's time to our own-freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of conscience, the preservation of personal right, the equality of all citizens before the law, and the faithful observance of constitutional limitations.

During all these years, the Democratic party has resisted the tendency of selfish interests to the centralization of governmental power, and steadfastly maintained the integrity of the dual scheme of government established by the founders of this republic of republics. Under its guidance and teachings, the great principle of local self-government has found its best expression in the maintenance of the rights of the States, and in its assertion of the necessity of confining the general gov. ernment to the exercise of the powers granted by the Constitution of the United States.

Recognizing that the money system is paramount to all others at this time, we invite attention to the fact that the Federal Constitution names silver and gold together as the money-metals of the United States, and that the first coinage law passed by Congress, under the Constitution, made the silver dollar the monetary unit and admitted gold to free coinage at a ratio based upon the silver dollar unit. .

We declare that the act of 1873 demonetizing silver without the knowledge or approval of the American people has resulted in the appreciation of gold and a corresponding fall in the price of commodities produced by the people; a heavy increase in the burden of taxation, and of all debts, public and private; the enrichment of the money-lending class at home and abroad; prostration of industry and impoverishment of the people.

We are unalterably opposed to monometallism, which has locked fast the prosperity of an industrial people in the paralysis of hard times. Gold monometallism is a British policy, and its adoption has brought other nations into financial servitude to London. It is not only unAmerican, but anti-American, and it can be fastened on the United States only by the stifling of that spirit and love of liberty which proclaimed our political independence in 1776 and won it in the War of the Revolution.

We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and silver at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1 with. out waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation. We demand that the standard silver dollar shall be a full legal tender equally with gold for all debts, public and private, and we favor such legislation as will prevent for the future the demonetization of any kind of legal tender money by private contract.

We are opposed to the policy and practice of surrendering to the holders of obligations of the United States the option reserved by law to the Government of redeeming such obligations in either silver coin or gold coin.

We are opposed to the issuing of interest-bearing bonds of the United States in time of peace, and condemn the trafficking with banking syndicates, which, in exchange for bonds and at an enormous profit to themselves, supply the Federal Treasury with gold to maintain the policy of gold monometallism.

Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and President Jackson declared that this power could not be delegated to corporations or individuals. We therefore demand that the power to issue notes to circulate money be taken from the National Banks and that all paper money shall be issued directly by the Treasury Department and be redeemable in coin and receivable for all debts, public and private.

We hold that tariff duties should be levied for purposes of revenue, such duties to be so adjusted as to operate equally throughout the country, and not discriminate between class or section, and that taxation should be limited by the needs of the Government honestly and economically administered. We denounce as disturbing to business the Republican threat to restore the McKinley law, which has been twice condemned by the people in national elections, and which, enacted under the false plea of protection to home industry, proved a prolific breeder of trusts and monopolies, enriched the few at the expense of the many, restricted trade, and deprived the producers of the great American staples of access to their natural markets. Until the money question is settled we are opposed to any agitation for further changes in our tariff laws, except such as are necessary to make up the deficit in revenue caused by the adverse decision of the Supreme Court on the income tax.

There would be no deficit in the revenue but for the Annulment by the Supreme Court of a law passed by a Democratic Congress in strict pursuance of the uniform

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