In the account here given of the intrigue in which the precipitate institution of the mission to France originated, compared with Mr. Adams's too often repeated avowals of public motives exclusively, every reader will have the means of forming his opinion, whether these, or others purely selfish, the offspring of his ungoverned ruling passions, were the decisive inducements. But although he readily adopted the measure, it may easily be imagined that it was the contrivance of a more cool and crafty head-of the man of whom that experienced diplomatist, Mr. Liston, once said, that, "for conducting "an intrigue, there was not one American who came "within a thousand miles of him."* This crafty person perfectly understood the character of Mr. Adams, and knew the avenues to his heart. Mr. Liston said, at the same time, "that never, at any government where "he had been a minister, had he so little trouble in gain"ing all desirable information: that from Mr. Adams "himself he obtained what he wanted; for that noth"ing more was requisite than to listen, while he took "his own course in talking." This brings to my mind an anecdote, of late accidentally communicated to me. Mr. Adams paid a handsome compliment to Washington, and said, “He could keep his mouth shut—I never could." And this again reminds me of a letter written to me some years ago by a gentleman of respectable character, of which the following is an extract:

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"Some time in the fall of 1807 I was in company "with General Henry Lee, at in Virginia. Dur"ing the day, various topics of conversation were in"troduced. Among others, some remarks were made upon the unhappy consequences which had resulted "from the change in the Federal Administration of the "Government of the United States. And this change "was in a great measure, by the person submitting "these remarks, attributed to the apathy and inertness " of Federalists at elections. General Lee replied, that

* I received this anecdote from an unquestionably correct source, a very intelligent American gentleman present in the company when the remark

was made.

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"he did not hesitate to allow some influence to that "cause; but that he ascribed the principal cause to "Mr. Adams himself; and then remarked, That being "in Philadelphia in the summer of 1800, when the sub'ject of the approaching presidential election had ex"cited much interest, he dined with Mr. Adams, in company with Mr. Jefferson. In the afternoon, when Mr. "Jefferson had retired, he took the liberty to caution "Mr. Adams, who had been, as he considered, very unguarded in the presence of Mr. Jefferson; and ob"served, with the view to enforce that caution, that he "knew Mr. Jefferson was using all his influence and intrigue to supersede him in the presidential chair. "Mr. Adams received this friendly admonition with apparent displeasure; and observed, with warmth, that "he belieyed Mr. Jefferson to be more friendly towards "him, than many who professed to be his friends; and "that he further believed, Mr. Jefferson never had the "ambition or desire to aspire to any higher distinction "than to be his First Lieutenant."

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So respectable is the source of this information, that it requires no confirmation. It has, besides, the advantage of internal evidence of its correctness, in the perfectly characteristic answer of Mr. Adams, which concludes the extract. This, probably, was the time when Mr. Jefferson was making his warmest professions of friendship to Mr. Adams, of which the latter afterwards found he had been the dupe; and the discovery of which authorized him to reproach Mr. Jefferson with a want of sincerity." Three years before, Mr. Jeffer-. son had proclaimed his humble pretensions, in his inaugural address to the Senate, when he took the chair in that assembly; he having been elected Vice-President, as Mr. Adams was elected President, of the United States. Mr. Jefferson appeared to rejoice that the burthen of the chief executive power had fallen on Mr. Adams's shoulders, so much abler than his own to sustain its weight! Remarking to the Senate, that the primary business of the office of Vice-President being to preside over the forms of that house, he added, "No one more

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sincerely prays that no accident may call me to the "higher and more important functions which the con"stitution devolves on this office." This profession was unnecessary-but not without an object. To the uninformed (in all communities the numerous class) as to the true characters of public men, it bore the appearance of the amiable virtue of humility; and Mr. Jefferson believed in its auspicious tendency to advance his interest on the next occasion; not doubting, in reference either to philosophy or the gospel, the correctness of the position, "He that humbleth himself shall be exalted." Among those in public life, or the citizens well acquainted with distinguished public characters, there was one, and I presume but one, in the United States, who supposed Mr. Jefferson's declaration to have come from the heart: I hardly need say, that this one was Mr. Adams.

Mr. Adams catches at every straw, and sometimes at phantoms, which, in the use he makes of them, may have even a remote tendency to give a colour of necessity for instituting his extraordinary mission to the French Republic in 1799. For this end, he allows himself to go back to the year 1793, to exhibit the temper of the people in relation to France and GreatBritain; and tells the following tale: "Jonathan Dick“inson Sargeant and Dr. Hutchinson, two old revolu"tionary Americans, extremely popular, put themselves "at the head of the mob. Washington's house was "surrounded by an innumerable multitude, from day to day, huzzaing, demanding war against England, cursing Washington, and crying success to the French patriots and virtuous republicans."-"J. Q. Adams first turned this tide; and the yellow fever completed the salvation of Washington. Sargeant and "Hutchinson died of it. I was assured, soon after, by "some of the most sensible, substantial and intelligent "Quakers, that nothing but the yellow fever saved Washington from being dragged out of his house, or being compelled to declare war against England."*

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* Letter to Cunningham, No. XII, Oct. 15. 1808.

This story was too absurd and ridiculous to be believed. When writing it, Mr. Adams forgot that the President of the United States did not possess the power to declare war; and that no leader of a mob in Philadelphia could be so ignorant as not to know that Congress alone possessed that power. I do not know whether Dr. Hutchinson left any offspring; but the respectable sons of Mr. Sargeant will not thank Mr. Adams for placing their father, an eminent lawyer, and the Attorney General of Pennsylvania, at the head of a mob, and of a mob to commit such an outrage on the President of the United States-and that President, Washington. Incredible, however, as was this storyof which I had never heard before-I wrote to William Rawle, Esq. at that time the District Attorney of the United States for Pennsylvania; and, referring him to Mr. Adams's statement, requested an answer. letter, dated the 18th of last December, he thus writes: "In respect to the mob asserted to have surrounded "the President's house, &c. &c. Judge Peters and I "have already had several conversations. We read "this part of the Cunningham Correspondence with surprise, as we neither of us at the time knew, nor "till then had heard, of such transactions. The Judge "lived out of town, but was frequently in town. I resided "about three of our squares distant from the President, "passed his door almost every day, and regularly at"tended his weekly levees. I never noticed the slight"est disturbance of the kind. Mr. Sargeant and Dr. Hutchinson, although zealous in their politics, were "not men who would have so degraded themselves."

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In his

Where, let me now ask, could this mob story have its origin? It is a sheer fabrication. But who was its artificer? Mr. Adams is responsible for it. And it further shows the justness of the remark I have had occasion to make and to repeat, that where his passions or interested views are enlisted, no reliance can be placed on his statements.

Hamilton acknowledged, and every other well-informed man will acknowledge, that Mr. Adams, in 1798,

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contributed largely to rouse the spirit of the nation to resistance against the unexampled insults and injuries we had experienced from the French Republic; and he boasts of the beneficial operation of the measures then taken, and of our naval successes in the limited war authorized by Congress; when, as he says, "the "proud pavilion of France was, in many glaring instances, humiliated under the eagles and stripes of "the United States." But the greatest triumph of all, he says, was in the humiliation of the haughty Direc tory; who, renouncing all their unfounded claims, sought for peace—"transmitting to him the most posi"tive assurances, in several various ways, both official “and inofficial, that they would receive his ministers, "and make peace on his own terms." These last words are, assuredly, a fond assumption of Mr. Adams. The Directory could never have entertained the idea of giving Mr. Adams a carte blanche, on which to write what articles he pleased. It is too absurd to be imagined, except by Mr. Adams when his mind was highly sublimated. Had such an offer been made, it would have furnished additional ground for believing the Directory were not sincere. But, unfortunately, in the heyday of victory, when the United States were rising in their own estimation, and were cheered by the salutations of admiring Europe, the American Admiral struck his flag; the "Proud Pavilion of France" rose above the "Eagles and the Stripes ;" and, instead of "making peace on his own terms," he received the law from France. He even gave up the trophies of our victories; stipulating to restore to France her national vessels captured by ours. He purchased peace at the expense of twenty millions of dollars (for that was the' estimated amount of French spoliations) relinquished to France, without any equivalent. For the United States had been fairly exonerated of the burthen of their treaties with France, by her "infractions, vio"lence, injustice, and breach of faith ;" and Congress

*Letter No. XXX, Feb. 22, 1809, to Cunningham,

The words, marked with inverted commas, are Mr. Adams's, in letter XXX, to Cunningham.