gret the necessity of entering on details, which I fear may fatigue the reader, but without which the force of Mr. Adams's calumnies and of my vindication cannot be fully understood. This biographical sketch of Mr. Gerry, though in some respects minute, may nevertheless be found in a degree interesting, when it shall be recollected, that, subsequently to the actions and events detailed, he was twice elected by the people of Massachusetts to be Governor of that State, and afterwards by the people of the United States to be their Vice-President.

Mr. Gerry, appointed a delegate to Congress from Massachusetts, in 1776, had the good fortune to be present at the adoption of the Declaration of Independence, and the honour of subscribing his name to that celebrated state paper. He continued a member of that body for some years. He was also a member of the National Convention by which the present Constitution of the United States was formed (and carped at some of its provisions) and a member of the House of Representatives in the first Congress, and in one or two of the succeeding Congresses.

The financial embarrassments of the French Monarchy produced, about the year 1787, a crisis, which, in a succession of remedial measures and reforms, issued in the subversion of the Monarchy, and the establishment of a Republic. The people of the United States, flourishing and happy in their own republican institutions, rejoiced in the prospect of a free government to be established in France. This joy was raised to enthusiasm, by the recollection of the aids received from that country in effecting their own independence. A war between France and her neighbours soon succeeded. The energies of her government, and the zeal of the people, brought powerful armies into the field; which enabled her to defeat her enemies, and to invade their territories. In a few years, the neighbouring nations were subdued. Her pride increased with her conquests; and her injustice was not slow to follow in their train. "I considered (says the wise man) all the

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oppressions that are done under the sun-and on the "side of the oppressors there was POWER." A series of unprincipled rulers governed the state, and in succession cut off the heads of their predecessors. At length a constitution was formed, and a government organized, on republican principles, which gave hopes, to the lovers of liberty, of a permanent establishment. The legislature was composed of two branches, denominated the Council of Ancients, and the Council of Five Hundred; and the executive consisted of five persons, called the Directory. But the revolutionary spirit continued. The executive power found the means of impairing the independence of the legislature; and, practising much tyranny at home, set no limits to its exercise on all the nations within its reach. Remote as were the United States, their commerce brought them near to every portion of the world. Upon various pretences, all alike unfounded, the corsairs of France were let loose upon that commerce, and her government insulted our country.

Willing to hope that these outrages and injuries originated in misrepresentations and misconceptions of the conduct and views of the United States in relation to France, President Washington appointed General Charles Cotesworth Pinckney minister plenipotentiary to the French Republic, to make to its government those frank and friendly explanations, which, if received in the spirit with which they were to be offered, would restore harmony and a beneficial intercourse between the two countries. General Pinckney, accepting the appointment, proceeded on his mission, and early in December, 1796, arrived at Paris. He was introduced to the minister for foreign affairs, Mr. de la Croix, by Mr. Monroe, as his successor in the station of minister plenipotentiary from the United States; and in that character delivered an official copy of his letters of credence, which announced his public character, under the signature of the President and the great seal of the United States. General Pinckney's public character being thus ascertained, all the indignities practised to

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wards him by the French government were insults as well to the country which he represented, as to himself. Anxious, however, to restore that harmony which once existed between America and France, Pinckney forbore to resent this treatment, hoping that a reconciliation might yet be effected. But he was disappointed, and was required to leave France. Upon this requisition he quitted Paris, and travelled with his family to Amsterdam, there to await the orders of his government. General Pinckney might bear those indignities with the more patience, because they were not peculiar to him. In one of his letters to the Department of State, he says, "I am informed that they have already "sent off thirteen foreign ministers; and a late emigrant,* now here, has assured them, that America is "not of greater consequence to them, nor ought to be "treated with greater respect, than Geneva or Genoa." "Those who regard us as being of some consequence (continues General Pinckney) seem to have taken up an idea, that our government acts upon principles opposed to the real sentiments of a large majority of our people; and they are willing to temporise until the "event of the election of President is known; thinking, "if one public character [Adams] is chosen, he will be "attached to the interest of Great-Britain; and that if "another character [Jefferson] is elected, he will be (to use the expression of Du Pont de Nemours in "the Council of Ancients) devoted to the interest of "France." Every body knows that Adams and Jefferson were the rival candidates for the presidency, on the retirement of Washington.

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Notwithstanding this haughty and insolent rejection of General Pinckney, it was thought expedient to make one more effort to recover the good will of our terma

*Meaning Mr. Talleyrand, I presume, who visited this country in the year 1794; appeared in the character of an emigrant, and was treated with hospitality and respect. If his object in coming to the United States was to escape the guillotine, yet, from what is mentioned by General Pinckney, we may infer that he acted the part of a spy; and probably in that character made his peace with the Directory, who in 1797 appointed him their minister for foreign affairs. For his great talents and other qualities, no man was better adapted to their service.

gant sister. A more solemn embassy was therefore instituted; and General Pinckney, General Marshall, and Francis Dana, then chief justice of Massachusetts, were appointed by President Adams, with the advice and consent of the Senate, "Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United States to the French Republic." Elbridge Gerry was Mr. Adams's choice; and it was with some difficulty that the heads of departments prevailed on him to substitute Mr. Dana; the same gentleman of whom Mr. Adams made mention, alike honourable and just, in his letters published in the Boston Patriot, in 1809-10. But Mr. Dana declining the service, Mr. Adams recurred to the first object of his partiality, Mr. Gerry. Further opposition was vain. One reason assigned by Mr. Adams for preferring Mr. Gerry was (and I wish it to be remembered). that, besides possessing the requisite talents, he was a firm man, and superior to all the arts of French seduction!

Marshall and Gerry arrived in France about the last of September 1797, and proceeded to Paris, where General Pinckney joined them. They in due form announced their arrival to Mr. Talleyrand, the French Minister for foreign affairs. Cards of hospitality were sent them, to save them from molestation by the police; and they expected to be formally received, and to enter on the business of their mission. But in a few days they had reason to think that the first favourable appearances were delusive. They delivered to Mr. Talleyrand copies of their letters of credence from the President, showing their characters, and desiring full. credit to be given to their communications. But they were not admitted to an audience of the Directory. At length, certain propositions were made to them by Mr. Talleyrand's agents to which they must assent, as preliminaries to their admission as ministers of the United States. These preliminaries were, a disavowal of some parts of the President's speech to Congress, touching the conduct of the French government, notoriously founded on facts, and therefore impossible to be disa

vowed; but at which the Directory affected to be of fended. Nevertheless, they were not inexorable. Their extreme resentments might be allayed, and their WOUND, ED HONOUR healed, by a douceur (gratuity or bribe) of fifty thousand pounds sterling (222,000 dollars) for the pockets of the Directory and their minister Talleyrand; and a loan to the amount of thirty two millions of florins, equal to twelve millions eight hundred thousand dollars; for which Dutch paper securities, under the name of Rescriptions, of that nominal sum, but ac knowledged to be worth not more than ten shillings in the pound, might be assigned to the United States. These modest propositions were of course not assented to. Our envoys had no power to give their assent. Their instructions expressly forbade the making of loan: it would have violated our duty as a neutral nation. But if the douceur had been given, and our envoys had been so far disposed to assent to a loan as to consult their government upon it (an operation of full six months) which indeed they offered to do; the horrible depredations on our commerce were not to be discontinued; and these were already estimated at fifteen millions of dollars, and were still going on with unremitting activity.

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The names of Talleyrand's private agents, designated by the letters X and Y, were written at length in our envoys' despatches; but accompanied with an engagement, on the part of the United States, that their names should in no event be made public. For this reason, when the despatches, were to be laid be fore Congress, I substituted the letters X and Y. The letters W and Z were also introduced by me, gratuitously, instead of the proper names of two other persons who had some agency in these transactions, and through whom X and Y might perhaps be discovered.

Mr. Talleyrand's corrupt overtures were repeated, and pressed upon the envoys; and soon with threats of vengeance from the Directory, if not complied with. Thanks to the intelligence and firmness of Pinckney