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THE RUSSIAN DOUMA

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AGAG USSIA'S

first parliament, after four days of discussion, published its first official document. It was drawn up by a commission of thirty-three men. It was to be a compromise of all the tendencies represented. Party programs were to be sacrificed in order to obtain the unanimity of the douma. One can see, however, the temper of the assembly, if not the true character of its majority, in this document. The discussions were long drawn out because many deputies felt that they must express their convictions in order to justify themselves before their supporters. Innumerable amendments were proposed, some of a radical character, many more conservative. Most of these proposed amendments were systematically voted down. The Constitutional-Democrats showed the strength of a close party organization. On one occasion, thirty-one amendments to a certain paragraph were put to the vote and discarded in as many minutes.

The discussions of this answer to the speech from the throne did not bring out the strength and platforms of the various parties. These parties exist, however, more or less clearly defined and organized. The Constitutional-Democrats, called the "Cadets," claim to have the majority. But the peasant element which they think they have won over is still an uncertain quantity.

The parliamentary group of Laborers organized themselves just before the opening of the douma. This party is composed of three elements: peasants, workmen and, as they term themselves, the intellectual proletariat. The last category includes such deputies as village-school teachers, men connected with the organs of local self government, all interested particularly in the agrarian and labor problems. This group is said to number one hundred and thirty. The Cadets

"helped" them organize themselves and their program is very similar to the latter's, but naturally more radical on the points which touch them more closely. The party lost many possible members among the peasant deputies because it stands for the autonomy of Poland and the equality of all nationalities. A more ill-defined group of some fifty peasants is showing a more conservative tendency. They are still non-party. The Rights are making every endeavor to win them over by discrediting the Cadets. These peasants want land and liberty and are waiting to join that party which promises to satisfy best their demands.

The Radicals are represented in such small numbers that they can be neglected. On the Right are the so-called Octobrists; their platform is the manifesto of October 17. They are not properly a Right. If the true conservatives were better represented, the Octobrists would form the Center. Already they have shown an inclination to become an obstructionary minority. Their leaders are Count Heyden and Stahovitch. A small but influential group is the party of Democratic Reforms, holding an intermediate position between the Cadets and the Octobrists. They have some strong men: Maxime Kovalevsky, Kuzmin - Karavaev. They seem ready to support the Cadets, but wish to remain independent and free from the latter's disciplinary organization. A kind of "nationality" group. has been formed by the Poles and the Jews. But the Cadets with the nationality clause of their platform will probably obtain the coöperation of this group.

During the recesses the lobby of the douma is an interesting study; a more democratic gathering would be hard to find. One sees the peasant deputy in his long coat and high boots walking with the land-proprietor. Workmen, professors, gentry mingle together. The orthodox priests with their long hair and heavy beards sit and smoke cigarettes with the others. The Tartar delegates from Kazan

wear the small skull cap on their shaven heads. The peasants from Little Russia and Poland are in their national dress, for there is to be no more forced Russification. A Catholic priest and the Archbishop of Warsaw add another variety. And all these classes gather around the tables in the restaurants and tearooms, each eager to expound his opinion. The peasants are a little loath to visit the refreshment rooms where one has to pay five cents for a cup of tea. One peasant was asked if he was enjoying himself with his five dollars a day. He frankly replied that he was sending four dollars and a half home each day.

It has been interesting to talk with these peasant deputies. Some are simple genuine muzhiks, uneducated perhaps, but not ignorant. One peasant surprised me by reminding me of the help Russia had given America on one occasion. He re

FEODAR RODICHER

A member of the Cadet Party and its best speaker

ferred to the sending of a Russian fleet with sealed orders during the Civil War. Most of the peasants are willing to talk, especially with a foreigner. Only a few have been reticent, and they were those who had been to the cities and obtained a little education.

The utter simplicity of the genuine peasants is almost amusing. While we were waiting for the final revision of the

answer to the throne speech, a peasant, with whom I had become quite intimate, asked me how long I thought the douma would continue. The question did not surprise me; one hears so much talk of the probable dissolution of the assembly. The peasant felt the demands they were making were just, but he was afraid those about the Emperor would persuade him not to grant them. He added that the people's one hope is the douma. They may not understand its true political significance, but they know the douma can give them land and freedom.

But all prophecy is futile. What we forget so often, however, is that we must not judge Russia by our standards. It is in Russia that the unexpected usually happens. The answer to the throne speech is firm, but respectfully worded. It is a "sweeping program." But the douma felt it must indicate, from the very start, what it considered to be its mission.

The douma says it will present soon a law on the representation of the people. based on the principle of universal suffrage. For it sees in the solemn promise of the throne speech the assurance of a legislative order conforming to strictly constitutional principles. The Cadets stand for universal, direct, equal and secret vote. They did not insist on their four-term formula, but promised their supporters to introduce a measure at the earliest possible moment.

The absolute power of the chinovnik, the functionary, is pointed out as the chief scourge of the country. He stands between the Czar and the people. The events of the last months have convinced the people that a peaceful order can be established only when it is clear that the administrative authorities can not act arbitrarily, covering their acts with the Emperor's name, and when the ministers are responsible to the representatives of the people. Only a ministry enjoying the confidence of the majority in the douma can strengthen faith in the government. Russia must be freed from all "extraordinary" laws, under the cover of which continues the absolute power of irresponsible chinovniks.

In the discussions there was no hesitancy to speak openly against the bureaucrats and the ministers. Official documents proving that the government organ

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ized the "counter-revolution" of last winter were published this last week. A demand for the investigation of this charge against the ministry of the interior has been handed in, signed by forty-seven deputies.

The protest against the Council of the Empire, "composed of appointed statesmen and elected members of the higher classes," is no less firm, on the same ground, that it too stands between the Emperor and the people. The feeling against the Council is very bitter. As one newspaper said: "The Council came together yesterday afternoon for a cup of tea." A little more enthusiasm has been aroused in these "pillars" of the Empire by the discussion of their answer to the throne speech. Count Witte, still irrepressible, is taking an active part in these council meetings.

Two amendments to the original project, made by Maxime Kovalevsky, were accepted. All taxes shall be regulated by the representatives of the people, and no law relating to taxation, once accepted by the douma, shall be changed except by a body which represents the mass of those on whom the tax falls.

All the liberties of speech, conscience, union, strikes, etc., are to be guaranteed by law. Individuals are to have the right to address petitions to the representatives of the people. This was another amendment proposed by Kovalevsky, who has been one of the most influential orators of this first week. He is a more practical authority on constitutional law than Muromtsev. He is inclined to base his arguments too often on the example of Western Europe. One peasant blurted out that Russia has nothing to learn from the West, but that the West can learn much from Russia. Much as his opinion may be shared, his tactless wording of it was greeted with a loud laugh. There has been a delightful informality in the sessions, although not too much.

Equality of all before the law is essential to liberty and order. The douma will propose a law abolishing all limitations and privileges for class, nationality, religion and sex. The last word was added as an amendment. Many orators spoke for woman suffrage and were loudly applauded. There are many women in the visitors' gallery. In general, the Rus

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A member of the party of Democratic Reforms; a brilliant speaker last months. "The douma will express the unanimous desire of the whole country when it projects a law abolishing forever the death penalty. In anticipation of such a law, the country expects the Emperor to commute all death sentences."

"The douma would not consider that it had fulfilled its mission if it did not work out a law to satisfy the needs of the working peasantry, by taking from the state, appanage, cabinet, monastery and church lands, and, if necessary, by expropriating private lands." The peasant deputies showed a little dissatisfaction that their question was not given more importance. One peasant said that, after amnesty, the land question was the most vital. Intimidated perhaps by the "intellectual" speakers, the peasants did not mount the tribune very often, even during the discussion of this land clause. There are, however, some good peasant speakers. It is a relief to hear their simple talks after a long theoretical exposition by a univer

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sity man. The peasant's lot is to be bettered by laws giving him equality of rights and freeing him from the arbitrary power and tutelage of local administrative officials. The peasants will tell you that they want land and freedom; by the latter they mean rights as well as liberty. Then they add that they must have education, and in the answer the douma promises to propose a law instituting universal and free instruction. The attempt to insert the word obligatory was defeated.

The workman question is to be solved by laws guaranteeing hired labor freedom of organization and independence, with a

A well-known zemstvo worker and a Constitutional Democrat

view to bettering their material and spiritual welfare. Particular attention will be given to the just distribution of taxes, which now fall heavily on the poorer classes, and to the suitable expenditure of the imperial moneys.

Local administration and self-government will be reformed. Universal suffrage will give an equitable representation of local population. Justice and right must be the principles on which the army

and fleet should be organized and strengthened. This mention of the soldiers and sailors was the last amendment accepted. In the original project this point was not touched. It was an important addition. "Harmony between all the races and peoples of the empire is possible only by the satisfying of the needs of each." The douma will occupy itself with the solution of these "national" questions.

The first word spoken in the douma was a word for amnesty. It was the word which the crowd shouted to the deputies as they entered the douma on the day of its opening. "The douma can not enter on its work as long as the question of amnesty is not settled." Amnesty is asked for all who have suffered for religious and political motives, and also for those who were involved in the agrarian disturbances. There was an attempt made by the "Right" to introduce a clause censuring the political assassinations. The Cadets answered frankly that they could not accept such an amendment. Many consider this the first important mistake of the Left majority. But it appears that the group of Laborers wished to "make a scandal" on this point. The Cadets persuaded them to keep quiet by promising to squelch the amendment. The answer closes: "There are demands of the people's conscience which can not be refused, in fulfilling which there must be no delay. Sire, the douma expects from you full political amnesty as the first pledge of mutual understanding and harmony between the Emperor and the people.'

This brief examination of the answer to the throne speech explains the whole political situation in Russia more clearly than any document. As was stated it is addressed to the people as well as to the Czar. It states what the representatives of the people expect from the Emperor, what they are ready to do for those whom they represent. It gives an idea of the general temper of the douma. That may not be the temper of the country. But the douma is the only voice the country has at present. The answer may appear radical in its demands, but the general feeling, especially in the provinces, is even more radical.

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A PORTION OF JAMESTOWN ISLAND, WHERE THE FIRST ENGLISH SETTLERS LANDED MAY 13, 1607

THE CRADLE OF THE REPUBLIC

JAMESTOWN AND ITS TERCENTENNIAL OF 1907

BY

PLUMMER F. JONES

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ON N May 13, 1607, Captain John Smith with company of some sixscore adventurous gentlemen and soldiers from London, after a voyage of many weeks, disembarked from three cockle-shell vessels, the Susan Constant, the God Speed and the Discovery, and began at once to lay out on a wooded island near the mouth of what was subsequently known as James River, in Virginia, a rude village which they, in honor of the king, were pleased to call Jamestown, thus establishing a date, now familiar to every school-child, as that upon which Englishmen first made permanent settlement on the western continent. It is the purpose of the Jamestown Exposition Company-composed largely of patriotic men and women-backed by the National Government and the several states, to commemorate this great event

with a historical, marine, military and industrial exposition, open to the public on April 26, 1907, the three-hundredth anniversary of the date when the first Englishmen passed through the capes and entered Virginia waters.

The site which has been chosen is not that of Jamestown Island, which was first considered, but a splendid plateau adjacent to the city of Norfolk, overlooking Hampton Roads, Hampton Roads, probably the most famous harbor on the Atlantic coast, and in the very heart of the most historic section of the New World.

The exposition as planned is different from any which have yet been held either in this country or abroad. The industrial feature, which has heretofore been predominant at every great exposition from the Philadelphia Centennial down to the St. Louis World's Fair, is to be subordinated to the historical and reminiscent; and the marine and military features will have special prominence.

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