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leaps and bounds to a position among the leading civilized powers; of the problems, affecting the major portion of mankind, which call imperiously for solution in parts of the Old World which, a century ago, were barely known to Europe, even by rumor. Our present concern is not with the Old World, but with our own western hemisphere, America.
“We all look forward to the day when there shall be a nearer approximation than there has ever yet been to the brotherhood of man and the peace of the world. More and more we are learning that to love one's country above all others is in no way incompatible with respecting and wishing well to all others, and that, as between man and man, so between nation and nation, there should live the great law of right. These are the goals toward which we strive; and let us at least earnestly endeavor to realize them here on this continent. From Hudson's Bay to the Strait of Magellan, we, the men of the two Americas, have been conquering the wilderness, carving it into State and Province, and seeking to build up in State and Province Governments which shall combine industrial prosperity and moral well-being. Let us ever most vividly remember the falsity of the belief that any one of us is to be permanently benefited by the hurt of another.
“Let us strive to have our public men treat as axiomatic the truth that it is for the interest of every commonwealth in the western hemisphere to see every other commonwealth grow in riches and in happiness, in material wealth and in the sober, strong, self-respecting manliness, without which material wealth avails so little.
“To-day on behalf of the United States I welcome you here—you, our brothers of the North, and you, our brothers of the South; we wish you well; we wish you all prosperity; and we say to you that we earnestly hope for your well-being, not only for your own sakes, but also for our own, for it is a benefit to each of us to have the others do well. I believe with all my heart in the Monroe Doctrine. This doctrine is not to be invoked for the aggrandizement of any one of us here on this continent at the expense of any one else on this continent. It should be regarded simply as a great international Pan-American policy, vital to the interests of all of us. The United States has, and ought to have, and must ever have, only the desire to see her sister commonwealths in the western hemisphere continue to flourish, and the determination that no Old World power shall acquire new territory here on this western continent.
"The tremendous industrial development of the Nineteenth Century has not only conferred great benefits upon us of the Twentieth, but it has also exposed us to grave dangers. This highly complex movement has had many sides, some good and some bad, and has produced an absolutely novel set of phenomena. To secure from them the best results will tax to the utmost the resources of the statesman, the economist, and the social reformer.
"The true welfare of the nation is indissolubly bound up with the welfare of the farmer and the wage-worker; of the man who tills the soil, and of the mechanic, the handicraftsman, the laborer. The poorest motto upon which an American can act is the motto of "some men down," and the safest to follow is that of "all men up.” A good deal can and ought to be done by law. For instance, the State and, if necessary, the Nation should by law assume ample power of supervising and regulating the acts of any corporation (which can be but its creatures), and generally of those immense business enterprises which exist only because of the safety and protection to property guaranteed by our system of Government. Yet it is equally true that, while this power should exist, it should be used sparingly and with self-restraint. Modern industrial competition is very keen between nation and nation, and now that our country is striding forward with the pace of a giant to take the leading position in the international industrial world, we should beware how we fetter our limbs, how we cramp our Titan strength. Here in this exposition, on the stadium and on the pylons of the bridge, you have written certain sentences to which we must live up to if we are in any way or measure to do our duty: 'Who shuns the dust and sweat of the contest, on his brow falls not the cool shade of the olive,' and 'A free state exists only in the virtue of the citizen. We all accept these statements in theory; but if we do not live up to them in practice, then there is no health in us. Take the two together always. In our eager, restless life of effort, but little can be done by that cloistered virtue of which Milton spoke with such fine contempt. We need the rough, strong qualities that make a man fit to play his part well among men. Yet we need to remember even more that no ability, no strength and force, no power of intellect or power of wealth, shall avail us, if we have not the root of right living in us."
In his Vermont Veterans' Union oration, Colonel Roosevelt spoke especially to "members of the Grand Army, which saved the Union.” He said:
"Other men by their lives or their deaths have kept unstained our honor, have wrought marvels for our interest, have led us forward to triumph, or warded off disaster from us; other men have marshaled our ranks upward across the stony slopes of greatness. But you did more, for you saved us from annihilation. We can feel proud of what others did only because of what you did. It was given to you, when the mighty days came, to do the mighty deeds, for which the days called, and if your deeds had been left undone, all that had been already accomplished would have turned into apples of Sodom under our teeth. The glory of Washington and the majesty of Marshall would have crumbled into meaningless dust if you and your comrades had not buttressed their work with your strength of steel, your courage of fire. The Declaration of Independence would now sound like a windy platitude, the Con
stitution of the United States would ring as false as if drawn by the Abbe Sieyes in the days of the French Terror, if your stern valor had not proved the truth of the one and made good the promise of the other. In our history there have been other victorious struggles for right, on the field of battle and in civic strife. To have failed in these other struggles would have meant bitter shame and grievous loss. But you fought in the one struggle where failure meant death and destruction to our people; meant that our whole past history would be crossed out of the records of successful endeavor with the red and black lines of failure; meant that not one man in all this wide country would now be holding his head upright as a free citizen of a mighty and glorious republic.
"All this you did, and therefore you are entitled to the homage of all men who have not forgotten in their blindness either the awful nature of the crisis, or the worth of priceless service rendered in the hour of direst need.
“You have left us the right of brotherhood with the gallant men who wore the gray in the ranks against which you are pitted. At the opening of this new Century, all of us, the children of a reunited country, have a right to glory in the countless deeds of valor done alike by the men of the North and the men of the South. We can retain an ever-growing sense of the all-importance, not merely to our people but to mankind, of the Union victory, while giving the freest and heartiest recognition to the sincerity and self-devotion of those Americans, our fellow-countrymen, who then fought against the stars in their courses. Now there is none left, North or South, who does not take joy and pride in the Union; and when three years ago we once more had to face a foreign enemy, the heart of every true American thrilled with pride to see veterans who had fought in the Confederate uniform once more appear under Uncle Sam's colors, side by side with their former foes, and leading to victory under the famous old flag the sons both of those who had worn the blue and of those who had worn the gray.”
Mr. Roosevelt's Minneapolis speech, September 5th, has, from its co-incidences and associations, become so thoroughly known that space can be filled with coin from the same mint that has not been worn by circulation.
SEEN IN HIS STUDIES AND IDEALS."
Reflections of Himself in Writings and His Heroes-He Gives His Confidences in
Glowing Pages—Washington, Lincoln and Grant, Three Pre-eminently Great Men-Aspirations Revealed in His Laudations-He Corrects a First ImpressionLoves Cowboys, but “There Are Others"—How He Became a Remote RanchmanAnecdotes of Bravery and Generous Deeds.
N studying the character of President Roosevelt, we must pursue his course
of study, for in it was developed his character. As a boy he was instructed
by his father to develop himself, and arrived at Harvard a youth with striking outlines of originality. He had an early glimpse of the beauties and wonders of botany, and felt it was worthy the devotion of his life; but as he cultivated himself, a self-made man, so that he felt the stir of energies and joy of labor and strife, he had a passion for athletic exercise, and to go afield and be a hunter. He turned from botany to mathematics, and reached the highest grade of measurement. He hastened to be a while in the Old World. The charm of antiquity enveloped him, and he saw the heart of Europe, illustrating the force of his aspirations by climbing the most difficult and dangerous mountains in Switzerland. Instead of lingering abroad, he hurried home, and took a "header" into politics. He comprehended that it was a glorious thing to be an American. He gained better knowledge of Europe with his own eyes, than he could get from books. He was attracted to public life, and his hand to hand combat with the spoilers in the Legislature, followed by the broader field offered in the National Republican Convention, gave him, at the age of twentysix, a national reputation.
Though Chairman of the Delegation of New York, he could not cast the solid vote of the State. It was the sticking point of reform in those days that the vote of the State need not be solid; that it was rather a reproach upon a delegation to vote all the time solid. The reformer developed individuality rather than unity. The vote of New York at this time was divided, and the roll was repeatedly called, that each delegate might "toe” his own mark and "show his hand;" that is, both the feet on which he stood and the hands he played. In this situation, the young Chairman's name was prominent in the
record. His terms in the Assembly of his State had given him conspicuity a hard hitter.
The spot where there was great need of a fighting champion of the people was New York City, and the young Assemblyman resolved to undertake the task, was nominated for Mayor; and ran on the regular Republican ticket. The candidates were Hewitt, Henry George and Roosevelt. A heavy vote the latter might have received, was thrown successfully to Hewitt to beat George. All the candidates were honorable men, but George's land theories caused alarm.
The mother and wife of Roosevelt died, and he withdrew from the accustomed turmoil of the metropolis. He preferred the changes of scenery and diversity of associations encountered in the wilderness. Here he became a Rough Rider, meaning in his case an accomplished horseman, and a mighty hunter for the game the wildest country on the continent afforded. The buffalo no longer roamed in great herds over the succulent but hardy grass named for the ponderous animal; but there were herds of stately elk and the delightful deer—that got their name in Virginia, and were almost co-extensive with the soil that produces Indian corn—the bounding antelope, that outmatches the "gay gazelles on Judah's hills,” the goat that is white as snow, and at home on the snowy peaks; the mountain lions, the fierce cougars, the gaunt gray wolves and the coyotes—the smaller mischief maker of the prairies—and above all, the bears of all shades, from the giant grizzly to the darker, smaller and milder editions of the same beast.
Columbus did not discover for him a newer world when he struck Cuba and had faith it was Cipango, than Roosevelt found in Ranchland. Deep in the American mountains most remote from the Atlantic, the sources of the Nile of the Hemisphere called Western before the world was rounded in human experience, he found the people most truly American, the expanders of our frontiers and embodiments of our typical countrymen, answering to the vital air and the fertile land, the vast rivers and broad horizons, from which come the bone and sinew, the strength and spirit of the men who have assimilated the best blood of the Old World; and the "let independence be your boast"-men who are the advance guard of our Manifest Destiny.
It was the New World of the Great Nation of the Greater America of the more modern Hemisphere—the American Nation that has outgrown all other Nations, and fronted on the two oceans—the Atlantic, looking toward Europe, and on the Pacific meeting Asia face to face-just at the time when our great States found it was better to be of a great than a small “Empire for Liberty," and when the transcontinental railroads defined the road to Asia, and prepared for the canal across the American isthmus, that in return is to guide the trade and travel, the broad wings of commerce and the roads of steel, surrounding