the Spectator makes another good point; indeed, the best and truest one of the lot, putting it in this way, "Together with his intensity and keenness, the new President is a man of moderation." To Americanize the remark, this moderation of tone is seen in all his expressions of opinion on such home questions as those of the trusts, temperance legislation and the tariff.

England's hostility to slave labor was largely for remote exercise and home consumption. The English spent a lot of money rather profligately and injudiciously, to abolish slavery far away, so far that the price of emancipation was not as a rule paid to the real slave holders. If either of the sections fighting the great American war, had been better informed in English history, there would have been less anger and misapprehension concerning the inconsistency of the British, with themselves touching ourselves. By this time we have been much improved in international acquaintance. Our neighbors are much nearer than they were a generation ago in the time and cost of travel, and the equality and freedom with which we simultaneously receive and act upon the news of the day, for now events are recorded as fast as the shadow of the globe the sun casts through the universe, follows the light. Yet, we do not find any Nation, great or small, very fond of another Nation, however small or great, that maintains a policy of nationality, and prefers to colonize afar off, rather than owe annexation to the attraction of superior weight. Friendliness with other powers can hardly be cultivated with alliances. Germany, Austria and Italy do not improve their fellow feeling by "entangling" treaties; but with the alliance of France and Russia, it becomes possible, when the Czar desires to make an end of Turkey in Europe, he can do it as a peace measure, and the Central European Nations seek compensation in division of spoils, rather than by war. It is questionable whether the vaunted peace of "Arbitration" will ever come to the world, and with our Monroe Doctrine and Manifest Destiny, we do not care to tie ourselves up or down, in an agreement creating Courts, in which the presiding judge, whose casting vote decides the contention, will, in a majority of cases, be given by a second-class King.

Our Spanish War was an object lesson for the great powers, and instructed them, that our standing was to be taken into the most serious and respectful consideration. Our Navy signifies much more, since it was shown by tests of arms to be easily ready and effective. There are no ships, guns or marksmen better than ours; and that is a severely restrained form of expressing the fact. Our military prestige has been greatly increased by Roosevelt's regiment of Rough Riders; for they mean to the masters of armies that we have a reserve, the existence of which was not suspected, that on a field broad enough for full display and exertion, would be equal to meeting any cavalry that ever charged.

The Buffalo Tragedy has turned a tremendous searchlight upon the United States. The burning rays that are said to bear upon thrones, are not as searching as those that have poured upon us. The form of our government and the fitness of our people, have been under a storm of fire. A reason for this is, that the assassin of the third of our murdered Presidents, was not, as the murderer of Lincoln was, a melodramatic actor, crazy with vanity, a horrible impersonation of the madness that comes of acting dreams of bloodshed; while Garfield's murderer was a degenerate, a hideous crank, raving for an office in the gift of the President. The murderer of McKinley was an Anarchist, and "Anarchy" has been held to be a "problem" that belongs to Europe rather than to America. Europe and all the world turn to see how the "terrible bereavement" that President Roosevelt named our loss, affects our institutions, what it sets forth of our condition and character. We have done a great deal of boasting, and have gone far to justify it; but the pistol-shot in the Temple of Music, on the ground of the Pan-American Exposition, was aimed at the President as the President. The intention was to assassinate the Republic.

William McKinley was a great and good man, a just and pure man; a man of Christian spirit and gentleness, his sacrifice and death, his fortitude in anguish, and resignation when he knew the hand of death was upon himwhen he sent for his wife the last time to try to comfort her as he was going; his last words infinite tenderness; his whispered singing with his last breath of the hymn that had comforted him in the trials of life, and his triumph with it in death-why, of all men, should this man be slaughtered while he was extending a courtesy to the Butcher? President McKinley had done more than any other since the beginning to aid the people of his country to be prosperous; and more to help the working-man to his share of the prosperity created by work, than any other statesman who has lived and wrought with us. What hissed the blood-hound upon this man, himself a workingman, the son of a workingman-this unselfish man, who was all charitableness for the erring, with good will for all, hopeful and helpful for all; a man of the people, his household all kindly-this man of generosity? Why does the murderer strike him down in this land of the free, the home of the oppressed; in the very "Empire for Liberty," of the equal rights of men? Whence comes the monster to whom this woeful crime is possible? It is not wonderful that Europe, and all the continents, and the islands of the sea, look aghast upon this spectacle. It is a phenomenon as surprising as it is awful.

We have not lost, in the public opinion of enlightened mankind, by the mournful and tragic event at Buffalo; as it and all the associated circumstances have been given a publicity without parallel, in its extent, its thoroughness, and the rapidity of circulation of the truth. All the earth's great cities that take

part in current affairs, get the same news at the same time, or so nearly that there is no appreciable difference; and we have heard from all the inhabitants of our planet regarding this assault upon civilization committed in our midst by a barbarian, a savage malignant.

There appeared two typical Americans in McKinley and Roosevelt. The assassin had nothing in common with our countrymen but his location. He scoffed at all that is held honorable and holy. He was the product of foreign conditions, and got his idea of vengeance visited upon rulers in an air other than that of this hemisphere. He was indoctrinated by demagogues, male and female, whose voices are as the hissing of venomous reptiles. He was a creature rank with poisons.

The world will be the better for the life and death of William McKinley; and it will be stronger, more truthful, brave and ambitious in good works, for a character of such courage of conviction, candor of speech, and capability in action as Theodore Roosevelt. The story of McKinley is one of the few that is for all time. No man has been born for a thousand years whose genius of endeavor in the elevation of humanity, exceeds his, and whose immortality is more certain and radiant than his. America is enriched by his fame.

The nations beyond our borders, weighted with their dynasties, burdened by their standing armies, whose greater industry is that of lifting up the sword, have been impressed by the absence of all shadow of doubt upon the constitutionality and popular assent and acclaim of the succession when the Chief Magistrate was removed. The wisdom of our Fathers is seen in what is well called the "automatic" succession of the Vice-President to the Presidency. This is all the more influential because the original framers of the Constitution, as accepted by the States, did not frame the provision that is admired for its simplicity, that makes definite, certain, and peaceable every step. The Electoral College is a conservative contrivance; but the arrangement first tried, yielding the Vice-Presidency to the candidate for President second in the count of electoral votes, came near causing shipwreck; and the change that has saved us more than once in the gravest dangers, resulted from the people, who, undaunted and enlightened, profited by the perils of experience.

It is exceedingly satisfactory to be able to say that the judgment of all Abroad, whose favorable opinion is desirable, of the character of the new President, is that we were fortunate to have him for Vice-President. His bearing during the trying scenes at Buffalo, was regarded in the capitals of Europe, and the South American Nations, and in the cities of Mexico and Canada, with constant respect, that rapidly grew to confidence and admiration. The people of general information in all lands regarded, with an interest unusually keen and an intelligence uncommonly acute, the Presidential Electors of 1900, and formed the opinion that it was wisdom in our people to come