torium and Powers' Theater-to audiences that crammed the space. The Governor claimed to be strong as a "bull moose," but thought ten speeches for the first day was going beyond a fair limit. He said that while his health was robust and his strength equal to any ordinary demands, he would be glad when he crossed the Michigan State line into another State where the Central Committee would not work the candidate so hard. The demonstration at the Auditorium-the ninth and next to the last of the day, in numbers and enthusiasm surpassed anything that had taken place at any meeting held in the campaign in honor of the Vice-Presidential candidate. Thousands were unable to obtain admittance to the hall. The meeting was called to order by Congressman W. A. Smith, who introduced Governor Roosevelt in a brief address, in which he extolled the courage, sacrifice and patriotism of the American soldier. When Governor Roosevelt advanced to the front of the stage, the great audience broke into a tempest of applause.

Sleeping in his private car, the Governor passed into Indiana, and in the evening spoke at South Bend, and he may be said to have done the most exacting and satisfactory work in the history of stump speaking for the next two months. Persons have been known to affirm with their utmost force that Theodore Roosevelt was too picturesque for a public man, and that he did not persuade enough through conciliation. Mr. Richard Croker, of New York, did not like his manners or what he said, or his measures or what he did, in the campaign of 1900. Indeed, Mr. Crocker had opposed the election of Theodore Roosevelt to be Governor of New York. Among other prerogatives and potentialities, the Governor is placed by the State Constitution and laws in a very responsible position, if the public order is disturbed. He even has a good deal to do with the troops of the State. The masters of the city had an impression that they ought to take the State, and then the United States.

It is habitually admitted by the friends of the Governor that he neither started out upon his tour of over twenty thousand miles, nor returned from his tremendous trip, in a mood to speak and act on the defensive, unless the tactics were aggressive. He has been, and probably will be in many respects, an aggressor in politics; and he does not apologize upon compulsion. Mr. Croker found much occasion to speak unkindly of the Governor of New York, during the first week of the month of November, 1900, and his favorite epithet that could be printed was to refer to the Governor as "the wild man," and the reporters with whom Mr. Croker repeatedly conversed profusely, when undergoing interviewing, mentioned that he was himself pretty "wild," indeed, at times, if taken seriously, quite awful-full of ferocity and threatenings. It was the policy of the Republicans of New York City to preserve the peace, if possible, because they knew there were dangerous schemes to cause disorder, with the view of finding excuses for carrying out threats to seize the voting places

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and the ballot boxes, with the intention of amending the returns. Mr. Croker's way of stating the case, as the elections approached, was described as vindictive and furious in his presumption. The great city became, not for the first time, a storm centre The disorderly menace amounted to threats of civil war.

Good citizens have said since the peaceful termination of the plots of the boasters of strife, as a remedy for impending defeat, that Theodore Roosevelt was created, foreordained, from the time the foundations of the world were placed, to serve his great City, State and Nation, in the capacity of the Governor of his State, to meet this emergency. Whether we refer the fact to Divine Providence, or take a less exalted view of the good fortune it was to have Governor Roosevelt in reserve for the care of rioters, there is no doubt he contributed to the preservation of the peace of the Colossal Community. Roosevelt, as an historian, mentions the Mayor of New York as a supporter of the Dissolution of the Union, before the first inauguration of Abraham Lincoln; the city to include all around Manhattan Bay as a "free and independent" city, to become an antidote for the protective tariff and other "fetters upon freedom." This establishment of freedom was to be under the enlightened rule of Fernando Wood.

There have been several lines of public policy proposed for the establishment of New York City as the master of the State, and the State in command of the United States. In 1900 the figures were carefully prepared, showing how to run the country by holding hard a fraud centre made up of certain very thickly populated wards of the city. The list of Presidential elections that turned on the vote of New York State, and also upon New York City, contains several momentous items. The situation in New York City, and the character of the municipal government there administered, have a patent interest, therefore, to "We, the people of the United States," once, at least, in four years.

Toward the close of the week before the Presidential election, of 1900, the City of New York was in great commotion on account of extremely notorious threats by the Tammany leaders to the effect they would do violence at the polls, of course, claiming that the assaults they meant to make would be contingent upon the misconduct of those chosen for attack. On the last day of October, several Republican meetings were broken up in the city; one at Forty-fourth street and Tenth avenue; another at Forty-first street and Eighth avenue; another at Forty-seventh street and Eighth avenue. At Forty-second street and Tenth avenue, there was a gang of boys known as the "Wrangleberry Kids," evidently doing a job in the interest of disorder. It was reported November 1st, that "Mr. Croker was almost worn out by the violence of his denunciations of Governor Roosevelt, and the virulence of his threats of what he would do and the Democrats of the city and State should do if the returns of the Election Officers did not agree with the preconceived notion of the

Tammany party as to what the returns ought to be." Mr. Croker had been extremely irritated and emphatic, and was reported daily as countenancing disorder, and did not seem to be willing to modify any statement he was alleged to have made, no matter how frantic it was. At all events, he was in a state of excitement of the most intense nature-and whether it was real or affected, it was a matter that imported a state of civil war. He claimed in many reported talks that the Democrats were going to carry Connecticut and New Jersey; and it was stated that when some one inadvertently mentioned the name of Governor Roosevelt in his presence, it was "all off," as they say at a race course, and Croker "glared and gritted his teeth," and proceeded to howl "that wild man's at it again. I see he was mobbed at Elmira. I wouldn't be surprised if he put up the job himself." Further, the Democratic leader said, "the Roosevelt fighting in Cuba" was a "fake," and he added: "It puzzles me that when the heart of the American people is beating for love of him, as that wild man says it is, he never shows his face but someone throws a brick at him," and this perhaps, mistakenly, was regarded a hint—a tip.

The great Republican procession, closing the campaign in New York City, was about to come off, and it was declared there was a plan to insult the marchers. The scheme was to hang out several insulting banners above the line of march, and these were to be flaunted in the faces of the marchers in the great procession. Mr. Croker, being asked whether he didn't think the men in the procession might resent it, that trouble would follow, said he didn't care, which to his followers meant that he wanted it to happen, thus corroborating the motive of putting out the flags as stated in the story.

On November the 2nd, a mob in Haverstraw threatened a Republican speaker with violence, and there was extraordinary rowdyism that seemed to be concerted. On November 3rd, the Saturday before the election, Chairman Jones, of the Democratic National Committee, at Chicago, issued a statement saying "The fight is won. Bryan and Stevenson will be elected. The Democratic majority in the Electoral College will be ample." It was further stated they would carry all the States they carried in '96, with the possible exception of Wyoming, and would also carry New York, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, Indiana, Ohio and Illinois. At the same time they claimed California. The purpose of this proclamation, interpreted according to the riot rumors, was to excite the opposition to the Administration in New York to believe that if the State should be carried against McKinley he would be beaten. The policy of the false proclamation was the old, accustomed one, that a very large Democratic majority in the City of New York would mean the electoral vote of the State, and that would elect Bryan. It was desirable, to those in favor of disorder on election day, and violence, to interfere with the counting of votes, if they were not of the character that suited the Tammany

society, that the fact of such apparent result would justify riotous proceedings, and a New York mob "lift," as is the "lingo," the Presidential election. This proclamation was held to be a corroboration of rumor.

Among the banners hung out over Broadway, with the intention of provok-, ing the men in the procession to tear them down and so start a fight (the number of marchers was about 85,000) were inscriptions, in big, black letters: "They make you parade, but they can't make you vote against Bryan." "It is a Trust parade, and not a Republican parade." "We are here to see the Wild Man, but this is the man we will vote for," and there was a picture of Bryan given as the tip that Bryan was the man and Roosevelt was "wild." The clear purpose was to exasperate the marchers, that they might commit some breach of peace, and provide an excuse for a series of disturbances, beginning immediately and culminating on election day. At least, that was the view taken, and there was an immense amount of bad feeling and a great deal of serious apprehension. "The marchers" bore any amount of insult patiently, and there was no outbreak.

It had been thought early in the summer by the opponents to the re-election of McKinley, that Mr. Bryan would sweep many, indeed nearly all, the States between the Pacific Slope and the Mississippi river; and if Croker could redeem his promises to carry the State of New York in the City of New York, Bryan would win. The managers who put up the scaffolding for this structure, were disappointed and disconcerted by the nomination of Roosevelt for the Vice-Presidency; and the irritation of mind and strain on the feelings increased with the news from the Roosevelt special train. It was all along the line "Behold, the conquering hero comes," and some time elapsed before anyone ventured to use mob violence with the expectation of getting the better of the fight certain to follow. It was a pretty sure thing that the Rough Riders were not the kind of people to be walked over. However, September 27th a dispatch came over the wires, stating an assault had been made on Roosevelt, that he had been in danger, and "narrowly escaped serious injury in a Colorado mining town." The dispatches from Colorado relating to this matter were as follows:

"Cripple Creek, Colo., Sept. 26-Governor Roosevelt had a most exciting experience to-day at Victor, a few miles from Cripple Creek, among the mines, where a demonstrative crowd had assembled. The Governor had a narrow escape from serious personal violence. The accident was the only one of the kind that has occurred on his trip, and it is said that the trouble was caused by a small body of roughs who had been organized and paid for the purpose of breaking up the meeting. The men engaged were few in number, but very violent in their attack. Governor Roosevelt spoke at Armory Hall, which was filled. He had just begun to speak when he was interrupted by noisy demonstrations. He said: