est, especially touching on reciprocity, saying: "One of our prime needs is stability and continuity of economic policy; and, yet through treaty or by direct legislation, it may at least in certain cases become advantageous to supplement our present policy by a system of reciprocal benefit and obligation. We must remember in dealing with other Nations that benefits must be given when benefits are sought."

The language of the Vice-President, speaking September 5th, is not in terms that of the President four days later, but the ideas of the two are as identical as if they were the result of a consultation. The coincidence is more important because there was not reciprocity of confidence. It would have been a requirement if verbal agreement were arranged. It was a case of spontaneity. The strong likeness in broad principle of the studied utterances of the President and Vice-President, in the first week of September, can not be mistaken. There is reason for public satisfaction that this concord was so clear before the country when the shock came; for the element of the calm conviction of the public that all is well is one of the utmost importance in fixing the general sense of security. President Roosevelt will go on with the Philippine policy of his predecessor and carry it further than it has been defined. He has spoken of that effort more than a thousand times, and never uttered a word that was not firm as a rock.

In the Minneapolis speech, he paid Governor Taft this high compliment: "Under the wise administration of Governor Taft, the islands now enjoy a peace and liberty of which they have hitherto never even dreamed. But this peace and liberty under the law must be supplemented by material, by industrial development. Every encouragement should be given to their commercial development, to the production of American industries and products; not merely because this will be a good thing for our people, but infinitely more, because it will be of incalculable benefit to the people of the Philippines. We are not trying to subjugate a people; we are trying to develop them, and make them a law-abiding, industrious and educated people, and we hope, ultimately, a self-governing people." There is no concession to the anarchist, the traitor or the belittler of our country in this.

This is the essential matter of the McKinley Philippine policy. The VicePresident dealt with "anarchy" before the latest murder of a President, with the thoroughness that he gives questions raised by criminal conspiracies.

In his great Chicago speech, quoted on page 159, he expressed his views with characteristic clearness and boldness. No one had any doubt as to where Theodore Roosevelt stood on this and kindred subjects. He is too much of a patriot, loves his country and her institutions too profoundly and sincerely to listen with even a seeming degree of patience to the sophistries of those whose object is to overturn the established order and substitute anarchy. On the

other hand, it cannot be too often stated that there is no man in public life who has more sympathy for the poor and oppressed than he, nor one more determined to do all in his power to curb the "powers that prey" and to give to every man whose good fortune it is to live under the guardianship and protection of the Stars and Stripes his "fighting chance."

One into whose hands is entrusted the moulding of our policy and the direction of the Government, and to whom we look for so much in the future cannot affirm too often or too clearly that he stands firm and true on the slippery places.

There could be no stronger testimony of the good will Theodore Roosevelt had for President McKinley than his first words in seconding the second nomination of the President at Philadelphia. He said:

"Mr. Chairman:-I rise to second the nomination of William McKinley, the President who has had to meet and solve problems more numerous and more important than any other President since the days of mighty Abraham Lincoln; the President under whose administration this country has attained a higher pitch of prosperity at home and honor abroad than ever before in its history. Four years ago the Republican party nominated William McKinley as its standard bearer in a political conflict of graver moment to the Nation than any that had taken place since the close of the Civil War saw us once more a united country. The Republican party nominated him; but before the campaign was many days old he had become the candidate not only of all Republicans, but of all Americans who were both far-sighted enough to see where the true interests of the country lay, and clear-minded enough to be keenly sensitive to the taint of dishonor. President McKinley was triumphantly elected on certain distinct pledges, and those pledges have been made more than good. We are here to nominate him again, and in November next we shall elect him again; because it has been given to him to personify the cause of honor abroad and prosperity at home, or wise legislation and straightforward administration."

The words that comforted the country, spoken by President Roosevelt, as soon as he could speak with authority, were the logic of the language just quoted, and are to be interpreted by that noble speech.

Not in the hundred years between the death of George Washington and that of William McKinley, has a great man taken from life been mourned with the universal sincerity of the countless millions who grieved that McKinley died, and sought to pay appropriate tributes to the usefulness and the many virtues of his life and character.

Abraham Lincoln was murdered while the embers of a great war still glowed, and before the kindliness of his nature had become known to his enemies, and the greatness of his heart revealed had converted all foes to friends,

who loved him. Andrew Jackson's stormy career was so full of antagonism that little was understood of the chivalric and romantic side of the affectionate old man, who left his countrymen still divided whether to praise or blame. Garfield fell so early after he became President that the whole people had not found out the admirable resources of his masterful strength of intellectual force and genial good will.

Only once have the people of the United States been moved deeply, and awed by the coincidence of the death of the two illustrious ex-Presidents, who were signers of the Declaration of Independence, and saw the last day of their lives the semi-centennial anniversary of that event. John Adams, of Massachusetts, and Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, passed away on the same fourth of July, and died good friends, and the whole people joined in the recognition of the masterpieces they had wrought in the history of their country.

It is eminently fit that the successor of William McKinley in the Presidency should, in his first message to Congress, have crowned the colossal structure of the Literature of Praise-that included with thanksgiving for his life, lamentation for his death—with an oration opening the official announcement to Congress, of the startling change that had occurred in the Chief Magistracy. Congress listened to the reading of the message with a sense of the mournful and superb fitness of the words to the occasion, and with tearful eyes appreciated the lofty tone and the pathos of the tribute; and then applauded with an intensity unknown to the congressional reception of a communication from the President. What the President said of the murder of McKinley and the plague of Anarchism, was first in the message, and is given place here complete:

"White House, December 3, 1901.

"To the Senate and House of Representatives:

"The Congress assembles this year under the shadow of a great calamity. On the 6th of September President McKinley was shot by an Anarchist while attending the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, and died in that city on the 14th of that month.

"Of the last seven elected Presidents, he is the third who has been murdered, and the bare recital of this fact is sufficient to justify grave alarm among all loyal American citizens. Moreover, the circumstances of this, the third assassination of an American President, have a peculiarly sinister significance. Both President Lincoln and President Garfield were killed by assassins of types unfortunately not uncommon in history, President Lincoln falling a victim to the terrible passions aroused by four years of civil war, and President Garfield to the revengeful vanity of a disappointed officeseeker. President McKinley was killed by an utterly depraved criminal belonging to that body of criminals who object to all governments, good and bad alike, who are against any form of popular

liberty, if it is guaranteed by even the most just and liberal laws, and who are as hostile to the upright exponent of a free people's sober will as to the tyrannical and irresponsible despot.

"It is not too much to say that at the time of President McKinley's death he was the most widely loved man in all the United States, while we have never had any public man of his position who has been so wholly free from the bitter animosities incident to public life. His political opponents were the first to bear the heartiest and most generous tribute to the broad kindliness of nature, the sweetness and gentleness of character, which so endeared him to his close associates.

"To a standard of lofty integrity in public life, he united the tender affections and home virtues which are all important in the makeup of national character. A gallant soldier in the great war for the Union, he also shone as an example to all our people because of his conduct in the most sacred and intimate of home relations. There could be no personal hatred of him, for he never acted with aught but consideration for the welfare of others. No one could fail to respect him who knew him in public or private life. The defenders of those murderous criminals who seek to excuse their criminality by asserting that it is exercised for political ends inveigh against wealth and irresponsible power. But for this assassination even this base apology cannot be urged.

"President McKinley was a man of moderate means, a man whose stock sprang from the sturdy tillers of the soil, who had himself belonged among the wage-workers, who had entered the army as a private soldier. Wealth was not struck at when the President was assassinated, but the honest toil which is content with moderate gains after a lifetime of unremitting labor, largely in the service of the public. Still less was power struck at in the sense that power is irresponsible or centred in the hands of any one individual. The blow was not aimed at tyranny or wealth. It was aimed at one of the strongest champions the wage-worker has ever had; at one of the most faithful representatives of the system of public rights and representative government who has ever risen to public office.

"President McKinley filled that political office for which the entire people vote, and no President-not even Lincoln himself-was ever more earnestly anxious to represent the well-thought-out wishes of the people; his one anxiety in every crisis was to keep in closest touch with the people, to find out what they thought, and to endeavor to give expression to their thought, after having endeavored to guide that thought aright. He had just been re-elected to the Presidency, because the majority of our citizens, the majority of our farmers and wage-workers, believed that he had faithfully upheld their interests for four years. They felt themselves in close and intimate touch with him. They felt

T. R.-17

that he represented so well and so honorably all their ideals and aspirations that they wished him to continue for another four years to represent them.

"And this was the man at whom the assassin struck! That there might be nothing lacking to complete the Judaslike infamy of his act, he took advantage of an occasion when the President was meeting the people generally, and, advancing as if to take the hand outstretched to him in kindly and brotherly fellowship, he turned the noble and generous confidence of the victim into an opportunity to strike the fatal blow. There is no baser deed in all the annals of crime.

"The shock, the grief of the country, are bitter in the minds of all who saw the dark days while the President yet hovered between life and death. At last the light was stilled in the kindly eyes, and the breath went from the lips that even in mortal agony uttered no words save of forgiveness to his murderer, of love for his friends, and of unfaltering trust in the will of the Most High. Such a death, crowning the glory of such a life, leaves us with infinite sorrow, but with such pride in what he had accomplished and in his own personal character, that we feel the blow not as struck at him, but as struck at the Nation. We mourn a good and great President who is dead; but while we mourn we are lifted up by the splendid achievements of his life and the grand heroism with which he met his death.

"When we turn from the man to the Nation, the harm done is so great as to excite our gravest apprehensions, and to demand our wisest and most resolute action. This criminal was a professed Anarchist, inflamed by the teachings of professed Anarchists, and probably also by the reckless utterances of those who, on the stump and in the public press, appeal to the dark and evil spirits of malice and greed, envy and sullen hatred. The wind is sowed by the men who preach such doctrines, and they cannot escape their share of responsibility for the whirlwind that is reaped. This applies alike to the deliberate demagogue, to the exploiter of sensationalism, and to the crude and foolish visionary who, for whatever reason, apologizes for crime or excites aimless discontent.

"The blow was aimed not at this President, but at all Presidents; at every symbol of Government. President McKinley was as emphatically the embodiment of the popular will of the Nation expressed through the forms of law as a New England town meeting is in similar fashion the embodiment of the lawabiding purpose and practice of the people of the town. On no conceivable theory could the murder of the President be accepted as due to protest against 'inequalities in the social order,' save as the murder of all the freemen engaged in a town meeting could be accepted as a protest against that social inequality which puts a malefactor in jail. Anarchy is no more an expression of 'social discontent' than picking pockets or wife beating.