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“The Anarchist, and especially the Anarchist in the United States, is merely one type of criminal, more dangerous than any other because he represents the same depravity in a greater degree. The man who advocates Anarchy, directly or indirectly, in any shape or fashion, or the man who apologizes for Anarchists and their deeds, makes himself morally accessory to murder before the fact. The Anarchist is a criminal whose perverted instincts lead him to prefer confusion and chaos to the most beneficent form of social order. His protest of concern for workingmen is outrageous in its impudent falsity; for if the political institutions of this country do not afford opportunity to every honest and intelligent son of toil, then the door of hope is forever closed against him. The Anarchist is everywhere not merely the enemy of system and of progress, but the deadly foe of liberty. If ever Anarchy is triumphant, its triumph will last for but one red moment, to be succeeded for ages by the gloomy night of despotism.

"For the Anarchist himself, whether he preaches or practices his doctrines, we need not have one particle more concern than for any ordinary murderer. He is not the victim of social or political injustice. There are no wrongs to remedy in his case. The cause of his criminality is to be found in his own evil passions, and in the evil conduct of those who urge him on, not in any failure by others or by the State to do justice to him or his. He is a malefactor, and nothing else. He is in no sense, in no shape or way, a 'product of social condi. tions,' save as a highwayman is ‘produced by the fact that an unarmed man happens to have a purse. It is a travesty upon the great and holy names of liberty and freedom to permit them to be invoked in such a cause. No man or body of men preaching Anarchistic doctrines should be allowed at large any more than if preaching the murder of some specified private individual. Anarchistic speeches, writings and meetings are essentially seditious and treasonable.

"I earnestly recommend to the Congress that in the exercise of its wise discretion it should take into consideration the coming to this country of Anarchists or persons professing principles hostile to all Government and justifying the murder of those placed in authority. Such individuals as those who not long ago gathered in open meeting to glorify the murder of King Humbert of Italy perpetrate a crime, and the law should insure their rigorous punishment. They and those like them should be kept out of this country; and if found here they should be promptly deported to the country whence they came; and far-reaching provision should be made for the punishment of those who stay. No matter calls more urgently for the wisest thought of the Congress.

"The Federal courts should be given jurisdiction over any man who kills or attempts to kill the President, or any man who, by the Constitution or by law, is in line of succession for the Presidency, while the punishment for an unsuc

cessful attempt should be proportioned to the enormity of the offence against our institutions.

"Anarchy is a crime against the whole human race, and all mankind should band against the Anarchist. His crime should be made an offence against the law of Nations, like piracy, and that form of manstealing known as the slave trade; for it is of far blacker infamy than either. It should be so declared by treaties among all civilized powers. Such treaties would give to the Federal Government the power of dealing with the crime.

“A grim commentary upon the folly of the Anarchist position was afforded by the attitude of the law toward this very criminal who had just taken the life of the President. The people would have torn him limb from limb if it had not been that the law he defied was at once invoked in his behalf. So far from his deed being committed on behalf of the people against the Government, the Government was obliged at once to exert its full police power to 'save him from instant death at the hands of the people. Moreover, his deed worked not the slightest dislocation in our Governmental system, and the danger of a recurrence of such deeds, no matter how great it might grow, would work only in the direction of strengthening and giving harshness to the forces of order. No man will ever be restrained from becoming President by any fear as to his personal safety. If the risk to the President's life became great, it would mean that the office would more and more come to be filled by men of a spirit which would make them resolute and merciless in dealing with every friend of disorder. This great country will not fall into Anarchy, and if Anarchists should ever become a serious menace to its institutions they would not merely be stamped out, but would involve in their own ruin every active or passive sympathizer with their doctrines, The American people are slow to wrath, but when their wrath is once kindled, it burns like a consuming flame.”

CHAPTER XX.

THE PRESIDENT AS A PEACEMAKER.

Auspicious Conditions at His Succession-Distinction from Vice-Presidents Gone

Before-Conservatism, Not Revolution-British Study of the Senate, with an Erroneous Theory-The Senate Has Ratified an Isthmian Treaty with EnglandRoosevelt Strong for Peace because His Word Stands—His Admirable Deportment in Time of Trouble.

T

HERE is no case in our history that parallels the succession of Theodore

Roosevelt to the Presidency upon the death of William McKinley.

It is a horror upon the land that we have had three Presidents murdered, as President Roosevelt reminds us in his message, "out of the seven last elected." The distinction he makes officially between the Presidents elected, and those succeeding to the office, as prescribed by the Constitution, when the formally elected President dies, should be remarked, for it shows the scrupulous care President Roosevelt has to be accurate, and the assertion of the absolute integrity of truth.

The first President who died in office, General William Henry Harrison, was succeeded by John Tyler, not of the same political persuasion with Harrison. The change was a revolution, almost as great as if, under the original form of the fundamental law, William J. Bryan had succeeded William McKinley. The old, original rule was that the candidate having the highest number of electoral votes cast for him for the Presidency should be President, and the next highest Vice-President. Owing to the Jefferson and Burr contest in 1800, the Vice-President's name was placed on the electoral ballot. VicePresident Thomas A. Hendricks died when a President Pro Tempore of the Senate had not been elected. President Cleveland had no successor provided to take his place, and for that reason declined, on legal advice, to go to the funeral at Indianapolis of the Vice-President. Hence, another wise law, turning the Presidential succession into the Cabinet, in case the Vice President is called to fill a Presidential vacancy. As the case stood when Theodore Roosevelt took the oath as President, his successor was, under the law, John Hay, Secretary of State, and next the Secretary of the Treasury, then the War, then the Navy; and there is one member of the continued McKinley Cabinet not eligible to the Presidency, that office alonę being reserved for native born Americans.

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