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men of labor from the competition of those who are not of us, pay no part of the cost of our Government, do not help us to bear burdens, or we would, by the freedom of our markets, fail to understand the demand that we shall help those who aid us, care for those who make a bar of pig iron into fine steel and fashion it into costly implements, thereby producing value. We must assure to these producers a fair show of the profitableness by protecting the market from the people beyond our seas, or we shall cheapen labor and transfer the value of the skill of our own workingmen to other lands, while with it goes prosperity, that is the joint product of our united industries.

Profoundly did William McKinley, a boy of labor, a boy soldier who was a hero, a man of probity, who knew in the hard times of his childhood the need of protection, believe in the doctrine he lived to see in the law named for him. He was its champion and artificer. The prosperity he promised came to the people, and, his promises redeemed, glory awarded, became President of the United States, twice elected, was murdered by an anarchist, representing the ignorant and vindictive cruelty of utter barbarism. The murderer struck at all things, save black night and chaos.

All the winds that blow tell President Roosevelt what they bring him on their wings. He will not be false to any man. His mind is open to be read as his books. They have many merits, and before the rest is honesty. Whether his gaze was turned within or without, he told the truth of what he saw. His policy as President is not a mystery. His books are open. Each chapter tells the manner of man he is. When he states what Lincoln and Grant did, he places his models on exhibition. None of the history he has made was to advertise. There are facts, though, that will not be silent, but speak with a thousand tongues, as in his letter to the Mayor of New York on the night before the latest Presidential election, that startled like a trumpet's call to arms.

CHAPTER XXIX.

RELATIONS WITH GREAT NATIONS.

Presidential Courtesies and International Affairs--This Influence in Other Days— Ger

many and England Our Friends - Prince Henry of Prussia---His Visit and Speeches -Our Strength at Home and Abroad.

T

HE people of the United States, of all parties and persuasions, seem to

be fairly well satisfied with their Constitution, and its improvements

by amendment, and interpretations by the Courts and public opinion. The wisdom of the great instrument is that is secures substantially the execution of the popular will.

The majority of the inhabitants of the earth, savages or semi-civilized, enlightened or barbarous, occupations, those of agriculture, the mechanic arts, mining, transportation or commerce, whether dwellers upon the greater or lesser islands, or continents of either hemisphere, in whatever zone or climate, of the black, brown, yellow or white races, fishermen or hunters, rice or wheat, fruit or meat eaters, live under forms of government in which the people themselves consent to be governed by others than themselves; and we call such methods of governing, despotic. Their ways are not as our ways.

We of the United States believe, confidently, that we are of the Government, by and for ourselves, more intimately, intelligently, actually and profoundly, than the population of any other country are concerned as rulers, with their own business; and maintain that we are more Democratic and Republican, more at liberty, and, upon the whole, more populistic and orderly, and, at the same time, stronger for freedom and action in our widespread holdings of the earth, for the imperialism of liberty, than any other nation, great or small; yet we are not crusaders against the ways and means of government in other countries. It is not a part of our principle of the rule of the majority, to establish a perpetual propaganda against rulers of the majority of people and nations.

It is not especially the line of a good American citizen to be uncivil to those who officially represent and embody the monarchial governments. George Washington did not rebel especially against George III. His first commissions and uniforms were those signifying the favor of Governor

Dinwiddie, of Virginia, appointed by the King of England. Washington, in his youth, wore the British uniform, repeatedly serving as a British officer. We were more indebted to Benjamin Franklin than to any other man for the intervention of the Bourbon King of France, for the fleet and army that aided us essentially to capture Cornwallis and win our independence. Yet England, France and Spain desired and made joint effort to prevent us, by cutting down our land, from becoming a great nation. It was the wonderful work of our fathers that got the land for our broad foundations. The author of the Declaration of Independence was the Expander who planted our flag on the Pacific shore, buying the land Napoleon gained from Spain.

There has been a great deal of remark touching the civility President Roosevelt has shown the royalties. He did it fairly as our representative. Benjamin Franklin was a favorite of the Court of France. Thomas Jefferson was a power in Paris. Lafayette was an aristocrat. Monroe did not heedlessly offend the French Revolutionists, but was for a time the only foreign minister in France, and saved the wife of Lafayette from the guillotine, through the courage and address of Mrs. Monroe, the daughter of a British officer.

General Jackson hated a red coat. Jefferson loved a red waistcoat. Jackson's successor, President Van Buren's son, danced with Queen Victoria, and was so brilliant a courtier the title of "Prince John" was conferred upon him. It was the friendly and kindly relations of the British Court with James Buchanan that caused the visit of the Prince of Wales to this country. There was a striking sympathetic geniality between the chiefs of the Southern Confederacy and those of the British Empire. The father of the King of England remembered the reception in this country of his oldest son, and for the Queen revised, in the interest of peace, the hostile note of the British Cabinet in the Trent case.

General Grant, when President, received with distinguished consideration the Emperor of Brazil, and after he was President accepted the hospitalities of the glittering courts of Europe and Asia. The Grand Duke Alexis of Russia was received with open arms by our people. So was the Spanish Princess Eulalie who came to grace the White City of the Columbian celebration at Chicago. President Cleveland was not uncivil to the deposed Queen of Hawaii.

It has not been the custom of the country to insult the royalties, of any degree, who visit our shores. We have much to show them that is of interest to them. We are an object lesson it is well for them to study. King Kalakuana, of Hawaii, twice visited the United States, in 1875 and 1881, and suffered in health from excess of our hospitality,

It is worthy our remembrance, as we realize our own potentialities, that "the world is a neighborhood of nations.” We hear from all great countries

every day. They hear from us. There are advantages in our better acquaintance. We do not fear any monarch or personage of whatever pomp or power. We have no apprehension of our perversion because monarchs are friendly, and make advances of friendship.

There has been a protracted discussion by the Emperors of the greater armed Nations, in which France has been little involved because her policy of expansion is not supported by surplus population, as to the part taken in the movement to form a coalition to prevent the United States from interfering with the Spanish colonial system of government, especially on the greater American island, Cuba. The war of our country with Spain was a revelation of resources, and gave us position as one of the World Powers. There has long been prevalent a consciousness in America that we had the high regard of Russia. She sold to us her American possessions for love rather than money. England was plainly our friend in the Spanish War. Germany was believed to have an ambition to participate in the possible division of the thousand islands of the Philippine Archipelago. If we are in any sense too far off and feeble to care for them, we had better turn them over to England and Germany.

The diplomatic discussion abroad as to the stronger of our friends, is exceedingly interesting and important, for it proves the power of the world position we have obtained. Our belittlers at home seem very insignificant abroad.

President Roosevelt's message to Congress was high-toned throughout, and his treatment of foreign affairs most becoming in temper and dignified expression of policy. It confirmed friendships the world around. The approaching coronation of the King of England has been respectfully regarded by him. A delegation of distinction to attend the ceremony was among the first appointed. This was not adulation of royalty, but called for in the polite intercourse of nations. The sincere esteem entertained for the Queen of England in this country was amply tested at her death. When President McKinley was murdered, the tributes to his memory were nowhere over our boundaries more earnest and appreciative than in England; and McKinley was mourned wherever there was civilization. The kindred blood of the Nations of English speaking people especially responded to the sentiments of the mourning countries.

It was at the New Year's reception of the Emperor William that he requested Ambassador White to ask the President to permit Miss Roosevelt to christen his yacht, then approaching completion near New York. The Emperor that day talked to eight Ambassadors, using the language of the country of each, and did not include in the count the Turk, to whom also he uttered “happy phrases.” He was much pleased by the prompt and cordial

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